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Bartlett & Sullivan]         Quincy, Illinois, Sat., Feb. 23, 1839.         [Vol. 1 - No. 43.


==> The celebrated Mormon preacher and leader, SIDNEY RIGDON, arrived in Quincy, on Saturday last. To show the influence of mob rule in Missouri, the sheriff was obliged to take him from prison, (after he had given bail) under cover of the night, lest the mob would get hold of him, who had sworn to take his life. -- Indeed, he was pursued a long distance by some of them with that intent. His defence before the court of inquiry, is spoken of as a masterly effort.

Illinois, at present, appears to be an asylum for this oppressed people, as they are coming in from all quarters. For several days they have been crossing at this place, bringing with them the wreck of what they could save from their ruthless oppressors. They appear, so far as we have seen, to be a mild, inoffensive people, who could not have given a cause for the persecution they have met with; and the whole proceedings towards this people, by the authorities of Missouri, must stand as a lasting stigma to the State -- and we further hope, from the specimen they have received, of the liberality and justice of loco focoism, when carried out, as it has been by the dominant party in Missouri -- that they have come among us, with more enlightened opinions, in regard to those levelling and destroying doctrines, so characteristic in Missouri, and through the prevalence of which, their own sufferings and persecutions as a people, are a striking example. Heavy, as is the disgrace of Missouri in this business, we are pleased to see such independent and influential papers the Missouri Republican, the little (Ques. when shall we say big?) St. Louis Gazette, and others, standing up boldly in defence of the violated rights of the Mormons. Their counsels, however, bear no weight, against the odious iron rule of Bentonism, Loco Focoism, &c. which now afflict that State.

Notes: (forthcoming)


Bartlett & Sullivan]         Quincy, Illinois, Sat., Mar. 2, 1839.         [Vol. 1 - No. 44.


==> We have just returned from rather a queer meeting convened at the court house. From what leaked out on the occasion, it appears that a little knot of politicians. denominated the "Quincy Democratic Association," have been tampering with the Mormons now among us, for purposes which the reader can well imagine. This "Association" at their secret caucus of the Saturday night previous [Feb. 23], among other equally wise and prudent efforts to gain strength to their cause, resolved to bait a hook for this oppressed people, and approach them under the plea of sympathizing in their sufferings, and offering relief conditionally -- all in the name and behalf of the "Quincy Democratic Association!!" Thus, the Mormons must see themselves, that this move of the secret caucus, was purely and entirely selfish -- immaterial how much the great body of our citizens sympathized with this people -- immaterial how much money they contributed, or what efforts they might make in aid of this said people -- it all must be done in the name of the miscalled "Democratic Association," and thus to gain a strength to their cause, which their short-sighted wisdom lead them to believe could be easily effected. How contemptible the object of this knot of third-rate politicians! The best sympathies of our nature were to be called into action -- or benevolence was to be tested -- our purses were to be opened -- but it must only be done through the medium of the "Democratic Association." Was not this a master stroke of policy? The Mormons nor other citizens, (as was doubtless supposed by these sages of a school room) would of course se the point of the hook, which was so thinly baited. But the sequel will show how greatly they were disappointed.

The Committee appointed by the secret caucus, consisting of J. W. Whitney, ("Lord Coke"), I. N. Morris, (editor of the Argus) and one Lindsay, (whose christian name we know not and care less,) of course readily undertook to carry out the objects of the "Association," by waiting upon some of the principal men of the society of Mormons, with the avowed intention of inquiring into their situation and alleviating their sufferings. The Mormons met this overture of the "Ass-ociation" committee in a corresponding degree of courtesy; and a meeting was agreed upon between this people and the "Association," for Wednesday [Feb. 27] night, at Bradley and Hollowbush's school room. -- So far so good -- the committee had commenced swimmingly -- and they dried up their crocodile tears and departed, chuckling as they went, at the prospect of accomplishing the sinister objects of the body of men who sent them on the mission. It was the intention of the movers, to have the meeting secret, composed only of the stranger Mormons, and the self-styled Democrats. But on Wednesday, Mr. Sidney Rigdon, delivered a funeral discourse over the body of one of his people, and after the services were concluded, gave notice that a meeting would be held in the evening of the same day in the court room, for purposes which would be explained at the time; -- thus thwarting the expectation of the "Democrats," in their purpose of having the meeting secret, and compelling them, if they had any intention of assisting the Mormons, to toe the mark at once. Well, evening came -- few, very few, of our citizens had any knowledge of the meeting until dark, when such as had, repaired with all diligence to the Court House. The school room Solons were in a quandary at seeing so many strange faces assembling, who were not of their "kith or kin;" and after some considerable whispering and talking among themselves, one of their number nominated Gen. Leach, (Receiver at the Quincy Land Office, and member of the "Democratic Association,") to the chair, and James D. Morgan, (another member of the same Association,) Secretary. --

After the chairman had called the attention of the meeting, and the members of the secret caucus had become tired of looking at each other, up rose "Lord Coke," with all the "pomp and circumstance" of the learned lord after whom he receives his cognomen, and commenced reading a report, which went on to say that the committee appointed by the "Democratic Association," had performed the duty assigned them, and reported that the Mormons stood in need of assistance. To this report were appended a set of resolutions, having in view a prospective relief of the Mormons, and made up more of "talk than cider." Coke's resolutions were not quite perfect; he should have added, as the last clause: "All this will the 'democratic association' do for the people denominated "latter day saints," provided, this people will claim kindred with us of the 'association,' and agree to sustain such men for office next August, as we may set up for their support." After Lord Coke had safely delivered himself of this point-no-point report, Mr. Sidney Rigdon, rose and read the memorial which his people had presented to the Legislature of Missouri, and other documents, going to show the absence of all law and justice, in the course which the Missouri authorities had pursued towards them, from Gov. Boggs down to the lowest grade of officers. --

Again Lord Coke arose and delivered himself, in a similar strain of his report. -- After he [had] his say, Mr. Rigdon, again took the floor, and in a very eloquent and impressive manner, related the trials, sufferings and persecutions which his people had met with at the hands of the people of Missouri. We saw the tear standing in the eyes of many of his people, while he was recounting their history of woe and sorrow; and, in fact, the gentleman himself was so agitated at different periods of his address, that his feelings would hardly allow him to proceed. We are satisfied that his address will have a lasting and good effect, sustained as it was by the public documents which he produced. We will not attempt to follow him through the account he gave of the cold blooded murder by the mob of Missouri of Mormon men and children, the violation of females, the destroying of property, the burning of houses, &c. &c. It would occupy more time and room than we have to dispose of.

At the conclusion of Mr. Rigdon's address, N. Bushnell, Esq., rose and made an able and appropriate speech -- he declaimed in strong terms against the pitiful intentions of the "Democratic Association," in taking solely upon themselves the care and protection of the Mormons -- he said he never could nor should contribute in aid of this suffering people, as a member of the 'Democratic Association,' but as a citizen of Quincy, he stood ready to contribute for a charitable purpose with charitable intentions purely -- he said that the meeting was unknown to the great mass of the people of Quincy, and that, as his object was solely of a charitable nature, and one in which he wished the citizens of Quincy generally to participate, he would move an adjournment until the next evening, (Thursday.) [Feb. 28]

This proposition of Mr. Bushnell, called up several members of the "Association," in explanation. There was nothing of party, connected with the business -- no, nothing! although the whole affair was secretly hatched at a private political caucus. They all told me the same tale -- and all made a most lame and unsatisfactory explanation. Finally, Mr. Bushnell's motion was put and carried unanimously in the affirmative.

We have been thus explicit for the purpose of exposing the hollow-hearted professions of this designing "Association." They would tamper and trifle with the feelings of the suffering Mormons for the purpose of attaining a political end -- they would embroil that people in a political contest, whereby a feeling of hostility might be engendered which would operate to their prejudice hereafter, if they permanently settled among us. If they wished to bestow charity upon this people, why did they not do so openly and above-board, like honest and benevolent citizens, instead of creeping to their midnight caucuses, and there forming plans and intriguing to entrap for political purposes, this persecuted and suffering people! Do they suppose that their selfish, self-styled "Democratic Association," embodies all the benevolent, the charitable, the humane, of this community? It may be supposed so from their acts. They display so little wisdom, however, in all their acts, that their motives are plainly exhibited -- as plain as though they published them to the world.

We do not blame the Mormons at all in this business of course -- for no blame can in any way attach to them. A deputation was sent to them from a political society, offering relief, and they met and treated it with respect. Whatever might have been the secret objects of this deputation, they were certainly bound to listen to their professions of assistance. Of one thing, however, the Mormons may be assured -- that this "organization" party never move unless for some selfish purpose -- and we do hope, that they will stand aloof, and leave this party to work out its own objects with its own instruments. We do not say this as a partisan, for we would be one of the last to deprive them of a single Constitutional right, (either political or religious;) but we say it as the friend of the oppressed. Their own good sense will doubtless teach them the proper course to take in this matter, and to treat all overtures from either party as an intrusion upon their rights.

Notes: (forthcoming)


Bartlett & Sullivan]         Quincy, Illinois, Sat., Mar. 16, 1839.         [Vol. 1 - No. 46.


Below we give the proceedings of a meeting of the citizens of Quincy, together with the public documents which gave rise to the meeting. We simply, ask the attention of the people to the whole matter which follows, and leave all the facts to have its own weight upon their minds.

At a meeting of the citizens of Quincy, convened on Wednesday evening, the 27th of Feb. to take into consideration measures for the relief of the Mormons, Gen. Leech was appointed Chairman, and James D. Morgan, Sec'y. A report was made by Mr. Whitney, accompanied with resolutions, making provision for their relief.

Mr. Rigdon made a statement of the wrongs received by the Mormons from a portion of the people of Missouri, and of their present suffering condition.

On motion of Mr. Bushnell, the resolutions were laid upon the table till to-morrow evening.

On motion of Mr. Bushnell the meeting adjourned to meet at this place, to-morrow evening at 7 o'clock.


The meeting was called to order by the chairman. On motion of Mr. Morris, a committee of 3 was appointed to take up a collection; Messrs. J. T. Holmes, Whitney and Morris were appointed. The committee subsequently reported that $48.25 had been collected. On motion the amount was paid over to the committee on behalf of the Mormons.

On motion of Mr. Holmes, a committee of 3, consisting of Messers. S. Holmes, Bushnell and Morris, were appointed to draw up subscription papers and circulate them among the citizens, for the purpose of receiving contributions in clothing and provisions. On motion 6 were added to that committee.

On motion of Mr. Holmes, J. D. Morgan was appointed a committee to wait upon the Quincy Grays, for the purpose of receiving subscriptions. Mr. Morgan subsequently reported that twenty dollars had been subscribed by that company.

The following resolutions were then offered by Mr. J. T. Holmes:

Resolved, That we regard the rights of conscience as natural and inalienable, and the most sacred guaranteed by the Constitution of our free government.

Resolved, That we regard the acts of all mobs as flagrant violations of law, and those who compose them, individually responsible both to the laws of God and man, for every depredation committed upon the property, rights, or life of any citizen.

Resolved, that the inhabitants upon the western frontier of the State of Missouri, in their late persecutions of the class of people denominated Mormons, have violated the sacred rights of conscience, and every law of justice and humanity.

Resolved, That the Gov. of Missouri, in refusing protection to this class of people, when pressed upon by a heartless mob, and turning upon them a band of unprincipled militia, with orders encouraging their extermination, has brought a lasting disgrace upon the State over which he presides.

The resolutions were supported in a spirited manner by Mr. J. T. Holmes, and by Mr. Morris and Whitney, when upon motion, they were adopted.

On motion the meeting adjourned.
S. LEECH, Ch'n.
J. D. MORGAN, Sec'y.

The following memorial, embodying the most of the facts in relation to the outrages, presented to the Missouri Legislature by a committee of the Mormons, praying for an investigation into the circumstances detailed, was read by Mr. Rigdon. -- It will be recollected that this memorial was treated with almost contempt by the Legislature -- they refused to even print it -- and subsequently refused any investigation into the occurrences on the frontier, and at the same time, appropriated $200,000 of the people's money, for paying the militia for services, of which, they, (the people) had no definite knowledge! Two members of the legislature, (Ashby and Gillam) were prominent leaders of the mob, (not the militia) and it may be supposed that they would oppose investigation from the most interested motives.

To the Honorable Legislature of the State of Missouri, in Senate and House of Representatives convened:

We, the undersigned petitioners, inhabitants of Caldwell County, Missouri, in consequence of the late calamity that has come upon us, taken in connection with former afflictions, feel it a duty we owe to ourselves and our country, to lay our case before your honorable body for consideration.

It is a well-known fact, that a Society of our people commenced settling in Jackson County, Missouri, in the summer of 1831, where they, according to their ability, purchased lands and settled upon them with the intention and expectation of becoming permanent citizens in common with others.

Soon after the settlement began, persecution began, and as the Society increased persecution also increased, until the Society at last was compelled to leave the county. And although an account of these persecutions has been published to the world, yet we feel that it will not be improper to notice a few of the most prominent items in this memorial.

On the 20th of July 1833, a mob convened at Independence, a committee of which called upon a few of the leading men of our church there, and stated to them that the Store, Printing Office, and indeed all other Mechanic shops, must be closed forthwith; and the society leave the county immediately. These propositions were so unexpected, that a certain time was asked for to consider on the subject before an answer should be returned, that being refused, and our men being individually interrogated, each one answered that he could not consent to comply with their propositions. One of the mob replied that he was sorry, for the work of destruction would commence immediately. In a short time, the printing office, which was a two story brick building, was assailed by the mob and soon thrown down, and with it much valuable property destroyed. Next they went to the store for the same purpose, but Mr. Gilbert, one of the owners, agreeing to close it, they abandoned their design. -- Their next move was their dragging of Bishop Partridge from his house and family to the public square, where, surrounded by hundreds, they partially stripped him of his clothes, and tarred and feathered him from head to foot. A man by the name of Allan was also tarred at the same time. This was Saturday, and the mob agreed to meet the following Tuesday, to accomplish their purpose of driving or massacring the Society. Tuesday came, and the mob came also, bearing with them a red flag in token of blood. Some two or three of the principal men of the society offered their lives, if that would appease the wrath of the mob, so that the rest of the society might dwell in peace upon their lands: the answer was, that, unless the society would consent to leave en masse, every man should die for himself. Being in a defenseless situation, to save a general massacre, it was agreed that one half of the society should leave the county by the first of the next January, and the remainder by the first of the following April. A treaty was entered into and ratified, and all things went on smoothly for a while. But some time in October the wrath of the mob began again to be kindled, insomuch, that they shot at some of our people, whipped others, and threw down their houses, and committed many other depredations; indeed the society of saints were harassed for some time both day and night; their houses were brickbatted and broken open, women and children insulted, &c.; the store house of A. S. Gilbert & Co. was broken open, ransacked, and some of the goods strewed in the streets. These abuses, with many others of a very aggravated nature, so stirred up the indignant feelings of our people, that a party of them, say about 30, met a company of the mob of about double their number, when a battle took place, in which some two or three of the mob and one of our people were killed. This raised, as it were, the whole county in arms, and nothing would satisfy them but an immediate surrender of the arms of our people, and they forthwith to leave the county. Fifty-one guns were given up, which have never been returned or paid for to this day. The next day parties of the mob, from 30 to 70, headed by priests, went from house to house, threatening women and children with death, if they were not off before they returned. This so alarmed them, that they fled in different directions; some took shelter in the woods, while others wandered on the prairies till their feet bled. In the mean time the weather being very cold, their sufferings in other respects were very great.

The society made their escape to Clay Co. as fast as they possibly could, where the people received them kindly, and administered to their wants. After the society had left Jackson county, their buildings, amounting to about 200, were either burned or otherwise destroyed; much of their crops, as well as stock, furniture, &c., were also destroyed. The loss of property, added to the trouble and expense of moving, if properly estimated, would make a large sum, for which they have not as yet received any remuneration.

The society remained in Clay county nearly 3 years; when, at the suggestion of the people there, they removed to that section of country known now as Caldwell county. Here the people purchased out most of the former inhabitants, and also entered much of the wild land; many soon owned a number of eighties, each, whilst there was scarcely a man but what secured to himself at least a forty. Here we were permitted to enjoy peace for a season, but as our society increased in numbers, and settlements were made in Daviess and Carroll counties, the mob spirit spread itself again. For months previous to our giving up our arms to General Lucas' army, we heard little else, than rumors of mobs [being] collecting in different places, and threatening our people. -- It is well known that the people of our church who had located themselves at DeWitt, had to give up to a mob and leave the place, notwithstanding the Militia were called out for their protection. From DeWitt the mob went towards Daviess Co., and whilst on their way there, they took two of our men prisoners and made them ride upon the cannon, and told them that they would drive the Mormons from Daviess to Caldwell and from Caldwell to hell; and that they would give them no quarter only at the cannon's mouth.

The threats of the mob induced some of our people to go to Daviess to help to protect their brethren, who had settled at Diahman, on Grand river; the mob soon fled from Daviess County, and after they were dispersed and the cannon taken, during which time no blood was shed, the people from Caldwell returned to their homes in hopes of enjoying peace and quiet; but in this they were disappointed, for a large mob was soon found to be collecting on the Grindstone, from ten to fifteen miles off, under the command of C. Gilliam; a scouting party of which came within about 4 miles of Far West, and drove off stock belonging to our people, in open day light. About this time word came to Far West that a party of the mob had come into Caldwell county to the south east of Far West -- that they were taking horses and cattle, burning houses, and ordering the inhabitants to leave their homes immediately -- and that they had then actually in their possession three men prisoners. This report reached Far West in the evening and was confirmed about midnight. A company of about sixty men went forth under the command of David W. Patten, to disperse the mob, as they supposed. A battle was the result, in which Capt. Patten and two of his men were killed, and others wounded. Bogart, it appears, had but one killed and others wounded. Notwithstanding the unlawful acts committed by Capt. Bogart's men previous to the battle, it is now asserted and claimed that he was regularly ordered out as a militia captain, to preserve the peace along the line of Ray and Caldwell counties. That battle was fought four or five days previous to the arrival of Gen. Lucas and his army. About the time of the battle with Capt. Bogart, a number of our people, who were living near Haun's Mill, on Shoal Creek, about twenty miles below Far West, together with a number of emigrants who had been stopped there in consequence of the excitement, made an agreement with the mob which was about there, that neither party would molest the other, but dwell in peace. Shortly after this agreement was made, a mob party of from two to three hundred, many of whom are supposed to be from Chariton county, some from Daviess, and also those who had agreed to dwell in peace, came upon our people there, whose number in men was about forty, at a time they little expected any such thing, and without any ceremony, notwithstanding they begged for quarters, shot them down as they would tigers or panthers. Some few made their escape by fleeing; eighteen were killed, and a number more severely wounded.

This tragedy was conducted in the most brutal and savage manner. An old man, after the massacre was partially over, threw himself into their hands and begged for quarters, when he was instantly shot down; that not killing him, they took an old corn cutter and literally mangled him to pieces. A lad of ten years of age, after being shot down, also begged to be spared, when one of them placed the muzzle of his gun to his head and blew out his brains. The slaughter of these people not satisfying the mob, they then proceeded to rob and plunder the people. The scene that presented itself after the massacre, to the widows and orphans of the killed, is beyond description. It was truly a time of weeping, of mourning, and of lamentation. As yet, we have not heard of any being arrested for these murders, notwithstanding there are men boasting about the country, that they did kill on that occasion more than one Mormon, whereas, all our people who were in the battle with Capt. Patten against Bogart, that can be found, have been arrested, and are now confined in jail to await their trial for murder.

When General Lucas arrived near Far West, and presented the governor's order, we were greatly surprised, yet we felt willing to submit to the authorities of the State. We gave up our arms without reluctance; we were then made prisoners, and confined to the limits of the town for about a week, during which time, the men from the country were not permitted to go to their families, many of whom were in a suffering condition for the want of food and fire wood, the weather being very cold and stormy. Much property was destroyed by the troops in town, during their stay there; such as burning house logs, rails, corncribs, boards &c., the using of corn and hay, the plundering of houses, the killing of cattle, sheep, and hogs, and also the taking of horses not their own, and all this without regard to owners, or asking leave of any one. In the mean time, men were abused, women insulted and ravished by the troops, and all this, while we were kept prisoners. Whilst the town was guarded, we were called together by the order of Gen. Lucas, and a guard placed close around us, and in that situation, were compelled to sign a deed of trust for the purpose of making our individual property all holden, as they said, to pay all the debts of every individual belonging to the church, and also to pay for all damages the old inhabitants of Daviess may have sustained in consequence of the late difficulties in that county.

Gen. Clark was now arrived, and the first important move made by him was the collecting of our men together on the square, and selected out about fifty of them, whom he immediately marched into a house, and confined close; this was done without the aid of the Sheriff, or any legal process. The next day 46 of those taken, were driven like a parcel of menial slaves, off to Richmond, not knowing why they were taken, or what they were taken for. After being confined in Richmond more than two weeks, about one half were liberated; the rest, after another week's confinement, were, most of them, required to appear at Court, and have since been let to bail. Since Gen. Clark withdrew his troops from Far West, parties of armed men have gone through the county, driving off horses, sheep, and cattle, and also plundering houses.

The barbarity of Gen. Lucas' troops ought not to be passed over in silence. -- They shot our cattle and hogs, merely for the sake of destroying them, leaving them for the ravens to eat. They took prisoner an aged man by the name of Tanner, and without any reason for it, he was struck over the head with a gun, which laid his skull bare. Another man by the name of Carey was also taken prisoner by them, and without any provocation had his brains dashed out with a gun; he was laid in a wagon, and there permitted to remain, for the space of 24 hours, during which time no one was permitted to administer to his comfort or consolation, and after he was removed from that situation he lived but a few hours.

The destruction of property, at and about Far West, is very great. Many are stripped bare as it were, and others partially so; indeed, take us as a body at this time, we are a poor and afflicted people, and if we are compelled to leave the State in the spring, many, yes, a large portion of our society, will have to be removed at the expense of the State, as those who otherwise might have helped them, are now debarred that privilege in consequence of the deed of trust we were compelled to sign, which deed so operates upon our real estate, that it will sell for but little or nothing at this time.

We have now made a brief statement of some of the most prominent features of the troubles that have befallen our people since their first settlement in this State, and we believe that these persecutions have come in consequence of our religious faith, and not for any immorality on our part. That instances have been of late, where individuals have trespassed upon the rights of others, and thereby broken the laws of the land, we will not pretend to deny, but yet we do believe, that no crime can be substantiated against any of the people who have a standing in our church, of an earlier date than the difficulties in Daviess County. And when it is considered that the rights of this people have been trampled upon from time to time, with impunity, and abuses heaped upon them almost innumerable, it ought, in some degree, to palliate for any infraction of the law, which may have been made on the part of our people.

The late order of Gov. Boggs, to drive us from this state, or exterminate us, is a thing so novel, unlawful, tyrannical and oppressive, that we have been induced to draw up this memorial and present this statement of our case to your honorable body, praying that a law may be passed, rescinding the order of the Governor to drive us from the State, and also giving us the sanction of the Legislature to inherit our lands in peace; we ask an expression of the Legislature, disapproving the conduct of those who compelled us to sign a deed of trust, and also disapproving of any man or set of men, taking our property in consequence of that deed of trust, and appropriating it to the payment of debts not contracted by us, or for the payment of damages sustained in consequence of trespasses committed by others. We have no common stock, our property is individual property, and we feel unwilling to be bound for other people's debts also.

The arms which were taken from us here, which we understand to be about 630, besides swords and pistols, we care not so much about, as we do the pay for them; only we are bound to do military duty, which we are willing to do, and which we think was sufficiently manifested by the raising of a volunteer company last fall, at Far West, when called upon by Gen. Parks, to raise troops for the frontier. The arms given up by us, we consider were worth between twelve and fifteen thousand dollars, but we understand they have been greatly damaged since taken, and at this time, probably would not bring near their former value. And as they were, both here and in Jackson County, taken by the militia, and consequently by the authority of the State, we therefore ask your honorable body to cause an appropriation to be made by law, whereby we may be paid for them, or otherwise have them returned to us and the damages made good. The losses sustained by our people in leaving Jackson County, are so situated that it is impossible to obtain any compensation for them by law, because those who have sustained them are unable to prove those trespasses upon individuals. That the facts do exist, -- that the buildings, crops, stock, furniture, rails, timber, &c. of the society, have been destroyed in Jackson County, is not doubted by those who are acquainted in this upper country, and since these trespasses cannot be proved upon individuals, we ask your honorable body to consider this case, and if, in your liberality and wisdom, you can conceive it to be proper to make an appropriation by law to these sufferers, many of whom are still pressed down with poverty in consequence of their losses, would be able to pay their debts, and also in some degree be relieved from poverty and woe, whilst the widows heart would be made to rejoice and the orphans tear measurably dried up, and the prayers of a grateful people ascend on high, with thanksgiving and praise, to the author of our existence, for that beneficent act.

In laying our case before your honorable body, we say that we are willing, and ever have been, to conform to the constitution and laws of the United States, and of this State. We ask in common with others, the protection of the laws. We ask for the privilege guaranteed to all free citizens of the United States and of this State to be extended to us, that we may be permitted to settle and live where we please, and worship God according to the dictates of our conscience without molestation. And while we ask for ourselves this privilege we are willing all others should enjoy the same.

We now lay our case at the feet of your legislature, and ask your honorable body to consider it, and do for us, after mature deliberation, that which your wisdom, patriotism, and philanthropy may dictate. And we, as in duty bound, will ever pray, &c.

A committee appointed by the citizens of Caldwell county to draft this memorial, and sign it in their behalf.

Far West, Caldwell co., Mo., Dec. 10, 1838.

The following copy of a Military Order issued by the Governor of Missouri. To properly understand this order, it will be borne in mind that a large mob were up in [arms] against the Mormons and were pressing upon [their settlements] with all the malice and hate of bitter opponents -- menacing their lives and destroying their property. In this extremity they sent an express to Gov. Boggs for assistance -- asking him to protect them from the lawless outrages of the mob. What does the reader suppose was the reply of this high-minded Governor to their application for protection? Does he immediately order out a force to suppress the violators of the law and the rights of the citizens of the State, as he was in duty bound, by his Constitutional oath? No. -- This was his answer to the application: --

"If you have got into a scrape with the mob, you must fight it out; I shall have nothing to do with it." Surely this man is a more fit Governor of his party (as he is) than of the State of Missouri. The Mormons finding the Governor averse to assisting them, and that their only hope of safety rested with themselves, they took the Governor's advice and made preparations to defend themselves from the mob. No sooner had they commenced doing this, however, when the war cry was raised against them -- they were robbers and murderers, because they dared to raise their hands in defence of their homes, their firesides, and their lives. -- All kinds of rumors and reports about them, were circulating through the country to their prejudice, and it would seem from the exterminating order below, that Gov. Boggs was also affected with the panic. He ordered out a large army to "exterminate or drive the Mormons from the State." But it is not our intention to review the conduct of the Missouri authorities in this business, further than to place each document, as it comes under our notice, in its true and proper light before the people, leaving all the facts in the case, as we said before, to have their own weight.

Head Quarters, Militia,          
City of Jefferson,          
Oct. 27, 1838.          

SIR: -- Since the order of the morning to you, directing you to cause four hundred mounted men to be raised within your division, I have received by Amos Rees, Esq., and Wiley C. Williams, Esq., one of my aids, information of the most appalling character, which changes the whole face of things, and places the Mormons in the attitude of open and avowed defiance of the laws, and of having made open war upon the people of this State. Your orders are therefore, to hasten your operations and endeavor to reach Richmond, in Ray county, with all possible, speed. -- The Mormons must be treated as enemies, and must be exterminated or driven from the State, if necessary, for the public good. Their outrages are beyond all description. If you can increase your force, you are authorized to do so, to any extent you may think necessary. I have just issued orders to Maj. Gen. Wallock of Marion county, to raise 500 men, and to march them to the northern part of Daviess county and there unite with Gen. Doniphan of Clay, who has been ordered with 500 men, to proceed to the same point for the purpose of intercepting the retreat of the Mormons to the North. They have been directed to communicate with you by express. You can also communicate with them if you find it necessary. Instead therefore, of proceeding as at first directed to reinstate the citizens of Daviess in their homes, you will proceed immediately to Richmond and, there operate against the Mormons. Brig. Gen. Parks of Ray, has been ordered to have four hundred men of his brigade in readiness to join you at Richmond. The whole force will be placed under your command.
L. W. BOGGS, Gov. andCommander-in-Chief.
To Gen. Clark.

The following is the speech of General Clark, the commander of the militia, delivered to the Mormons at Far West, after they had surrendered themselves prisoners, according to agreement. The General it will be seen, was fully determined to carry out the exterminating order of the Governor.

Gentlemen: -- You whose names are not attached to this list of names will now have the privilege of going to your fields to obtain corn for your families, wood, &c. Those that are now taken, will go from thence to prison -- be tried, and receive the due demerit of their crimes -- but you are now at liberty, all but such as charges may be hereafter preferred against. It now devolves upon you to fulfil the treaty that you have entered into, the leading items of which I now lay before you; the first of these you have already complied with, which is, that you deliver up your leading men to be tried according to law. Second, that you deliver up your arms -- this has been attended to. The third is, that you sign over your properties to defray the expenses of the war -- this you have also done. Another thing yet remains for you to comply with, that is, that you leave the State forthwith, and whatever your feelings concerning this affair -- whatever your innocence, it is nothing to me. Gen. Lucas, who is equal in authority with me, has made this treaty with you. I am determined to see it executed. The orders of the Governor to me, were, that you should be exterminated and not allowed to continue in the State, and had your leaders not been given up and the treaty complied with before this, you and your families would have been destroyed, and your houses in ashes.

There is a discretionary power vested in my hands which I shall try to exercise for a season. I did not say that you shall go now, but you must not think of staying here another season or of putting in crops; for the moment you do, the citizens will be upon you. I am determined to see the Governor's Message fulfilled, but shall not come upon you immediately -- do not think that I shall act as I have done any more -- but if I have to come again, because the treaty which you have made here shall be broken, you need not expect any mercy, but extermination -- for I am determined the Governor's order shall be executed. As for your leaders, do not once think -- do not imagine for a moment -- do not let it enter your mind, that they will be delivered, or that you will see their faces again, for their fate is fixed, their die is cast -- their doom is sealed.

I am sorry, gentlemen, to see so great a number of apparently intelligent men found in the situation that you are; and, oh! that I could invoke the spirit of the unknown God to rest upon you, and deliver you from that awful chain of superstition, and liberate you from those fetters of fanaticism with which you are bound. -- I would advise you to scatter abroad and never again organize with Bishops, Presidents, &c., lest you excite the jealousies of the people, and subject yourselves to the same calamities that have now come upon you. You have always been the aggressors -- you have brought upon yourselves these difficulties by being disaffected, and not being subject to rule -- and my advice is that you become as other citizens, lest by a recurrence of these events you bring upon yourselves irretrievable ruin.

The following [genuine] letter which was picked up in the street, a few days since, is quite a curiosity in its way. It purports to be confidential. The signature was almost illegible, from the mud and dirt which had been trampled upon it -- we judge to be Smith -- perhaps a brother of "John Smith of Bear Creek."

Feb. 20, 1839        

Cousin John:
Since I came to town, I have seed most of our demoncratical friends, and talked with um.... "We must get all the strength we can, cause the wiggs are getting thick as blackberrys, and the only way we can get ahead of them, is to do our best to gain the support of the Mormons who are comin over the river from Missoury. There will be two or three hundred voters among them and if we shuffle our cards right we'll get their votes. -- At our next demon-cratical Association, we are gwine to take up the subject, and prepare a bait to catch um, as we have got all our jackalls out feelin among um. -- Therefor, look out and keep dark, and say nothin, lest them confounded Wiggs get wind of it and blow on us. If we get the Mormons to vote with us, we can lick the wiggs next August," --- and much more of the same kind of talk he told me. He said awlso, we must procede with the utmost cawtion in laying the snare for the Mormons, for fear they mout smell the rat... As I shal stay up here a week, till the demon-cratical monuvre about the Mormons comes to a fokus, I will perhaps write you again.

Notes: (forthcoming)


Vol. IV.                       Quincy, Illinois, Sat., March 16, 1839.                       No. ?


We give in today's paper the details of the recent bloody tragedy acted in Missouri -- the details of a scene of terror and blood unparalleled in the annals of modern, and under the circumstances of the case, in ancient history -- a tragedy of so deep, and fearful, and absorbing interest, that the very life-blood of the heart is chilled at the simple contemplation. We are prompted to ask ourselves if it be really true, that we are living in an enlightened, a humane and civilized age -- in an age and quarter of the world boasting of its progress in every thing good, and great, and honorable, and virtuous, and high-minded -- in a country of which, as American citizens, we could be proud -- whether we are living under a constitution and laws, or have not rather returned to the ruthless times of the stern Atilla -- to the times of the fiery Hun, when the sword and flame ravaged the fair fields of Italy and Europe, and the darkest passions held full revel in all the revolting scenes of unchecked brutality, and unbridled desire?

We have no language sufficiently strong for the expression of our indignation and shame at the recent transaction in a sister state -- and that state Missouri -- a state of which we had long been proud, alike for her men and history, but now so fallen, that we could wish her star stricken out from the bright constellation of the Union. We say we know of no language sufficiently strong for the expression of our shame and abhorrence of her recent conduct. She has written her own character in letters of blood--and stained it by acts of merciless cruelty and brutality that the waters of ages cannot efface. It will be observed that an organized mob aided by many of the civil and military officers of Missouri, with Governor Boggs at their head, have been the prominent actors in this business, incited too, it appears, against the Mormons by political hatred, and by the additional motives of plunder and revenge. They have but too well put in execution their threats of extermination and expulsion, and fully wreaked their vengeance on a body of industrious and enterprising men, who had never wronged, nor wished to wrong them, but on the contrary had ever comported themselves as good and honest citizens, living under the same laws and having the same right with themselves to the sacred immunities of life, liberty, and property.

Proceedings in the town of Quincy for the purpose of affording relief to the people usually denominated "The Latter-day Saints."

At a meeting of the Democratic Association, held on Saturday evening the 23rd ultimo, Mr. Lindsay introduced a resolution setting forth, that the people called "The Latter-day Saints," were many of them in a situation requiring the aid of the citizens of Quincy, and recommending that measures be adopted for their relief; which resolution was adopted, and a committee consisting of eight persons appointed by the chair -- of which committee J. W. Whitney was chairman. The association then adjourned to meet on Wednesday evening then next, after instructing the committee to procure the Congregational meeting-house as a place of meeting, and to invite as many of the people to attend the meeting as should choose to do so, in whose behalf the meeting was to be held, and also all others, citizens of the town. The committee not being able to obtain the meeting-house, procured the court house for that purpose.

Wednesday, Feb. 27th, 1839, 6 o'clock, p. m.

The members of the Democratic Association, and the citizens of Quincy generally, assembled in the court house to take into consideration, the state and condition of the people called "The Latter-day Saints," and organized the meeting by appointing General Leach chairman, and James D. Morgan secretary.

Mr. Whitney from the committee appointed at a former meeting, submitted the following report.

The select committee, to whom the subject was referred of inquiring into and reporting the situation of the persons who have recently arrived here from Missouri, and whether their circumstances are such, as that they would need the aid of the citizens of Quincy and its vicinity, to be guided by what they might deem the principles of an expanded benevolence, have attended to the duties assigned them and have concluded on the following


The first idea that occurred to your committee was to obtain correctly the facts of the case, for without them the committee could come to no conclusions, as to what it might be proper for us to do. Without them, they could form no basis upon which the committee might recommend to this association what would be proper for us to do, or what measures to adopt. The committee, soon after their appointment, sent invitations to Mr. Rigdon, and several others, to meet the committee and give them a statement of the facts, and to disclose their situation. Those individuals accordingly met the committee and entered into a free conversation and disclosure of the facts of their situation, and after some time spent therein, the committee concluded to adjourn and report to this meeting, but not without first requesting those individuals to draw up and send us, in writing, a condensed statement of the facts relative to the subjects in charge of your committee, which those individuals engaged to do, and which the committee request may be taken as part of their report. That statement is herewith lettered A.

The committee believed that our duties at this time, and on this occasion, are all included within the limits of an expanded benevolence and humanity, and which are guided and directed by that charity which never faileth. From the facts already disclosed, independent of the statement furnished to the committee, we feel it our duty to recommend to this association that they adopt the following resolutions:

Resolved, That the strangers recently arrived here from the State of Missouri, known by the name of "The Latter-day Saints," are entitled to our sympathy and kindest regard, and that we recommend to the citizens of Quincy to extend to them all the kindness in their power to bestow, as persons who are in affliction.

Resolved, That a numerous committee be raised, composed of some individuals in every quarter of the town and its vicinity, whose duty it shall be to explain to our misguided fellow-citizens, if any such there be, who are disposed to excite prejudices and circulate unfounded rumors; and particularly to explain to them, that these people have no design to lower the wages of the laboring class, but to procure something to save them from starving.

Resolved, That a standing committee be raised, and be composed of individuals who shall immediately inform Mr. Rigdon and others, as many as they may think proper, of their appointment; and who shall be authorized to obtain information from time to time, and should they be of opinion that any individuals, either from destitution or sickness, or if they find them houseless, that they appeal directly and promptly to the citizens of Quincy to furnish them with the means to relieve all such cases.

Resolved, That the committee last aforesaid, be instructed to use their utmost endeavors to obtain employment for all these people who are able and willing to labor, and also to afford them all needful, suitable, and proper encouragement.

Resolved, That we recommend to all the citizens of Quincy, that in all their intercourse with the strangers, that they use and observe a becoming decorum and delicacy, and be particularly careful not to indulge in any conversation or expressions calculated to wound their feelings, or in any way to reflect upon those, who, by every law of humanity, are entitled to our sympathy and commiseration.

All which is submitted.

J. W. WHITNEY, Ch'n.
Quincy, February 27, 1839


This gentlemen, is a brief outline of the difficulties that we have labored under, in consequence of the repeated persecutions that have been heaped upon us; and as the governor's exterminating order has not been rescinded, we, as a people, were obliged to leave the State, and with it, our lands, corn, wheat, pork &c., that we had provided for ourselves and families, together with our fodder, which we had collected for our cattle, horses, etc., -- those of them that we have been able to preserve from the wreck of that desolation which has spread itself over Daviess and Caldwell counties.

In consequence of our brethren's being obliged to leave the State, and as a sympathy and friendly spirit has been manifested by the citizens of Quincy, numbers of our brethren, glad to obtain an asylum from the hand of persecution, have come to this place.

We cannot but express our feelings of gratitude to the inhabitants of this place for the friendly feelings which have been manifested, and the benevolent hand which has been stretched out to a poor, oppressed, injured, and persecuted people; and as you, gentlemen of the Democratic Association, have felt interested in our welfare, and have desired to be put in possession of a knowledge of our situation, our present wants, and what would be most conducive to our present good, together with what led to those difficulties, we thought that those documents would furnish you with as correct information of our difficulties and what led to them, as any that we are in possession of.

If we should say what our present wants are, it would be beyond all calculations, as we have been robbed of our corn, wheat, horses, cattle, cows, hogs, wearing apparel, houses and homes, and indeed, of all that renders life tolerable. We do not, we cannot expect to be placed in the situation that we once were, nor are we capable, of ourselves, of supplying the many wants of those of our poor brethren who are daily crowding here and looking to us for relief, in consequence of our property as well as theirs being in the hands of a ruthless and desolating mob.

It is impossible to give an exact account of the widows, and those that are entirely destitute, as there are so many coming here daily; but, from enquiry, the probable amount will be something near twenty, besides numbers of other who are able-bodied men, both able and willing to work, to obtain a subsistence, yet owing to their peculiar situation, are destitute of means to supply the immediate wants that the necessities of their families call for. We would not propose, gentlemen, what you shall do, but after making these statements, shall leave it to your own judgment and generosity. To what we think would be the best means to promote our permanent good, we think that to give us employment, rent us farms and allow us the protection and privileges of other citizens, would raise us from a state of dependence, liberate us from the iron grasp of poverty, put us in possession of a competency and deliver us from the ruinous effects of persecution, despotism and tyranny.

Written in behalf of a committee of "The Latter-day Saints."
E. HIGBEE, Pres.
J. P. GREENE, Clerk
To the Quincy Democratic Association.

Mr. Rigdon then made a statement of the wrongs received by the Mormons, from a portion of the people of Missouri, and of their present suffering condition.

On motion of Mr. Bushnell, the report and resolutions were laid upon the table, till tomorrow evening.

On motion of Mr. Bushnell, the meeting adjourned to meet at this place on tomorrow evening, at seven o'clock.

THURSDAY EVENING, Feb. 28. Met pursuant to adjournment.

The meeting was called to order by the chairman. On motion of Mr. Morris, a committee of three was appointed to take up a collection; Messrs. J. T. Holmes, Whitney, and Morris, was appointed.

The committee subsequently reported that $48.25 cents had been collected. On motion, the amount was paid over to the committee on behalf of the Mormons.

On motion of Mr. Holmes, a committee of three, consisting of S. Holmes, Bushnell, and Morris, were appointed to draw up subscription papers and circulate them among the citizens, for the purpose of receiving contributions in clothing and provisions. On motion, 6 were added to that committee.

On motion of J. T. Holmes, J. D. Morgan was appointed a committee to wait upon the Quincy Greys, for the purpose of receiving subscriptions. Mr. Morgan subsequently reported that twenty dollars had been subscribed by that company.

The following resolutions were then offered by Mr. J. T. Holmes:

Resolved, That we regard the rights of conscience as natural and inalienable, and the most sacred guaranteed by the constitution of our free government.

Resolved, That we regard the acts of all mobs as flagrant violations of law, and those who compose them, individually responsible, both to the laws of God or man for every depredation committed upon the property, rights, or life of any citizen.

Resolved, That the inhabitants upon the western frontier of the state of Missouri in their late persecutions of the class of people denominated Mormons, have violated the sacred rights of conscience, and every law of justice and humanity.

Resolved, That the Governor of Missouri, in refusing protection to this class of people when pressed upon by an heartless mob, and turning upon them a band of unprincipled militia, with orders encouraging their extermination, has brought a lasting disgrace upon the state over which he presides.

The resolutions were supported in a spirited manner by Messrs. Holmes, Morris and Whitney.

On motion the resolutions were adopted.
On motion the meeting then adjourned.

H. D. MORGAN, Secretary.

Notes: (forthcoming)


Bartlett & Sullivan]         Quincy, Illinois, Sat., Mar. 23, 1839.         [Vol. 1 - No. 47.


==> It is unnecessary for us to say, that the statement in the last Argus, of Gov. Boggs of Missouri, being a whig or "conservative," is but a weak invention of the editor of that paper. Every one, of the least acquaintance with the ordinary political intelligence of the times, could have told the editor that Gov. Boggs, stands at the very head of his party in Missouri.

The object of the Argus editor in classing the Governor with the Whigs, is to make our party responsible for his conduct in the Mormon difficulties. But the schoolmaster will fail in this effort. Gov. Boggs was nominated by the loco foco party, and was supported and elected as such, as every body knows. And as governor, his conduct has been in strict accordance with the principles of his party. He indirectly encouraged the mob, and should be held responsible for hid acts,

In the Missouri Legislature, on the question which was brought up, for investigating the Mormon difficulties, the loco foco members almost to a man voted against it, while the whig members as unanimously voted for it. The loco foco members defeated the resolution. and therefore suppressed the investigation. Some of their prominent leaders in the Legislature, (Ashby and Gillam) who in fact, commanded portions of the mob, were most strenuous in their opposition to investigation, and succeeded in defeating the resolution. Perhaps the editor of the Argus will attempt to prove that they were also "Conservatives."

"MISSOURI -- a state of which we had long been proud, alike for her men and history, but now so fallen, that we could wish her star stricken out from the bright constellation of the Union." -- [Quincy Argus.

Such a dastard sentiment could only come from a worshipper at the shrine of loco focoism. The editor wishes to make all the enlightened and patriotic of the State responsible for the acts of a party. Gov. Boggs, (the loco foco) is identified with the history of the State for several years past, as a member of the legislature, as lieut. Governor, and as Governor, and from first to last, a loco foco of the deepest dye; -- were you not once "proud" of him? No, Sir, do not claim all her citizens with your party -- do not strike her name from the Union, because Gov. Boggs and his party have disgraced the State. --

You know well, that the whig papers thou'out the States were clamorous for an investigation into the Mormon outrages -- the whig members also advocated investigation -- but there was iniquity to be concealed -- some of the loco foco members were leaders of the mob; and they well know if an investigation was set on foot, their conduct would be shown up in a most disgraceful light -- and the loco foco members to shut out the history of the transaction from the world, voted down the proposition for investigation; while Gov. Boggs issued orders to "exterminate" the Mormons from the State. Gov. Boggs and the leaders of the loco foco party are alone responsible for the outrages on the Mormons, and so it should be understood by the world.

Notes: (forthcoming)


Vol. IV.                 Quincy, Illinois, Sat., April 20, 1839.                 No. ?


                                      COMMERCE, Illinois, April 12, 1839.
Messrs. Editors: --

Enclosed I send you a communication from Governor Lucas of Iowa territory. If you think the publication thereof will in any way promote the cause of justice, by vindicating the slandered reputation of the people called "Mormons," from the ridiculous falsehoods which the malice, cupidity and envy of their murderers in Missouri have endeavored to heap upon them, you are respectfully solicited to publish it in the Argus. The testimony of Governor Lucas as to the good moral character of these people, I think will have its deserved influence upon the people of Illinois, in encouraging our citizens in their humane and benevolent exertions to relieve this distressed people, who are now wandering in our neighborhoods without comfortable food, raiment, or a shelter from the pelting storm.

I am, gentlemen, very respectfully,
        Your obedient servant,

                Isaac Galland.

Executive Office, Iowa,      
Burlington, March, 1839.      

Dear Sir: -- On my return to this city, after a few weeks absence in the interior of the territory, I received your letter of the 25th ult., in which you give a short account of the sufferings of the people called Mormons, and ask "whether they could be permitted to purchase lands and settle upon them in the territory of Iowa, and there worship Almighty God according to the dictates of their own consciences, secure from oppression," &c.

In answer to your inquiry, I would say that I know of no authority that can constitutionally deprive them of this right. They are citizens of the United States, and are entitled to all the rights and privileges of other citizens. The 2nd section of the 4th article of the Constitution of the United States (which all are solemnly bound to support,) declare that "the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states;" this privilege extends in full force to the territories of the United States. The first amendment to this constitution of the U.S. declares that "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof."

The Ordinance of Congress of the 13th July, 1787, for the government of the territory northwest of the river Ohio, secures to the citizens of said territory and the citizens of the states thereafter to be formed therein, certain privileges which were, by the late act of Congress organizing the territory of Iowa, extended to the citizens of this territory. The first fundamental article in that ordinance, which is declared to be forever unalterable, except by common consent, reads as follows, to wit: "No person demeaning himself in a peaceable and orderly manner shall ever be molested on account of his mode of worship or religious sentiments in said territory." These principles I trust will ever be adhered to in the territory of Iowa. They make no distinction between religious sects. They extend equal privileges and protection to all; each must rest upon its own merits and will prosper in proportion to the purity of its principles, and the fruit of holiness and piety produced thereby.

With regard to the peculiar people mentioned in your letter, I know but little. They had a community in the northern part of Ohio for several years, and I have no recollection of ever having heard in that state of any complaint against them for violating the laws of the country. Their religious opinions I conceive have nothing to do with our political transactions. They are citizens of the United States, and are entitled to the same political rights and legal protection that other citizens are entitled to.

The foregoing are briefly my views on the subject of your inquiries. With sincere respect,
I am your obedient servant,
                              ROBERT LUCAS.

Isaac Galland, Esq., of Commerce, Illinois.

Notes: (forthcoming)


Bartlett & Sullivan]         Quincy, Illinois, Sat., April 27, 1839.         [Vol. 1 - No. 52.


The Missouri (Paris) Sentinel is severe upon our neighbors of the Argus. It will not even allow the claim of that paper to exclusive democracy. We thought, at the time the Argus came out with its foolish speech, "wishing to strike Missouri from the Union," because of the conduct of its Agrarine, loco foco party in that State towards the persecuted Mormons, that it would be sharply rebuked by the press over the River, and our late exchanges from that quarter, fully confirm the supposition. The Missouri Sentinel, by the way, is the bluest of the blue, in support of every thing that even smells of Democracy.

There is no end to the ultraisms of the self-styled democrats of these days. -- They would mob a man for his opinions, or "strike Missouri from the Union." to attain a political purpose. Nothing more could be expected of a party that would break open a flour store in New York, (1837) and distribute its contents among their gang, on the plea that the property of rich Whigs should be shared among the poor democrats. The same men, to carry out their selfish and unlawful purposes, would not hesitate, had they the power, to dissolve the Union in blood, and spread anarchy and confusion throughout our hitherto happy land.

"Strike Missouri from the Union!" --

We can blame the public functionaries of Missouri much, for their conduct towards the Mormons, but we could not bring ourselves to utter a dastard sentiment of that nature! No! never! An editor who could utter such a sentiment, instead of being elected to the office of County Surveyor for Adams county, should be driven from the station he occupies, with the lasting contempt and indignation of that party whose confidence he has betrayed.

We would remark to the "Sentinel," that it was not money from the Mormons that caused the Argus to make the remark alluded to. The suspicion is stronger, that it was made with the intention of catching the votes of the people at the August election, to sustain the waneing power of the loco foco party in this section -- or in other words, by excess of sympathy towards the Mormons, to cheat that people into the support of the Columbus Convention candidates, at the coming election -- one of which, uttered the sentiment alluded to, and is co-editor of the Argus. We perfectly agree with an exchange paper in the remark, that the man who holds such sentiments, as quoted ... [illegible text]
... to come even from those who were trying to full down the fair fabric of our venerable institutions, and ride rough shod over the people with a moneyed corporation, having exclusive privileges.

The above "dastard' sentiment was expressed because the course pursued by the authorities of this State in relation to the Mormon difficulties. It savors so much like the sentiments of certain Whig prints in and about this region, that on first perusing the entire article, of which the above is only an extract, we concluded the "Argus" had laid down the broad banner of Democracy, and hoisted in its stead that of Whiggery. Perhaps the editors of the Argus have some local matter in view which they wish to obtain, and consequently are endeavoring to gain support of the Mormons, who we understand, have made Quincy and the region thereabouts their resting place for a time. Or perhaps, and more than probable, they are governed by pecuniary considerations. -- Sidney Rigdon and some others of the leaders of the Mormons, who no doubt have plenty of money, may have given them a pretty good fee -- and as all lawyers (which we understand they are professionally) are bound to act faithfully to their clients; we say do the best you can under those circumstances, but take care for the future engaging in such an unholy and bad cause. You have not heard all the testimony in the case probably, and may change your sentiments -- wishing to consign one of the States constituting the great confederacy of the Union, to the tomb of oblivion,

The Mormon difficulties have been so often exposed, that we have no disposition even now, to enter into a dispute, as to who were the aggressors, and cause of so much disturbance, and acts of the most flagrant violations of justice. We leave it to those of our friends who live nearest the scene of difficulties, and who are better acquainted with all the circumstances connected with the transaction.

The celebrated Mormon leader, Joseph Smith, who has so long been on confinement in the upper part of Missouri, arrived in town on Monday last. He and four of his companions, consisting of Lyman Wight, Caleb Baldwin, Hiram Smith, and Alexander McRae, escaped from the guard which was taking them from Daviess to Boone county for trial. The guard got drunk and fell asleep, on one night of their travel, and the prisoners knowing that they could not expect justice in any courts of upper Missouri, very properly turned their backs upon their persecutors and left them alone in their iniquity. We had supposed from the stories and statements we had read of 'Jo Smith,' (as he is termed in the papers) to find him a very illiterate, uncouth sort of a man; but from a conversation, we acknowledge an agreeable disappointment. In conversation he appears intelligent and candid, and divested of all malicious thought and feeling towards his relentless persecutors. There are five more of the Mormons in confinement in Ray county jail.

Notes: (forthcoming)


Bartlett & Sullivan.]         Quincy, Illinois, Sat., May 11, 1839.         [Vol. 2 - No. 2.


For the Quincy Whig.

         To the Citizens of Quincy.
          (BY  MISS  ELIZA  K.  SNOW.)

Ye Sons and Daughters of Benevolance,
Whose hearts are tun'd to notes of sympathy
Who have put forth your liberal hand to meet
The urgent wants of the oppress'd and poor!
   Ye high-tun'd spirits; who have nobly dar'd
To stem the foaming tide of vile reproach,
And brave the pois'nous, deadly current of
Detraction and fell hate; in rescuing
Oppressed Innocence, from the hard hand
Of the Oppressor:
       In return for this,
Though it perpetuates your City's name
And makes the sound of Quincy, echo sweet
And full of moral meaning to the soul
Of ev'ry true philanthropist; you get
No regal honors, -- No loud triumph of fame
Will blazon forth your deeds, except to throw
A dark'ning shade upon them; thus to aim
A cruel missile at the rescued ones.
No laural branch nor cyprus bough will wave
In graceful dignity about your heads, to tell,
In speechless eloquence what you have done.
No sculpture'd marble monument, will rear
Its head, as if in bold defiance to
The stars, untiring, withering hand of Time,
To teach your names and deeds to passers-by.
    No; we have no insignia of this kind --
No medal of an earthly mould to give;
But yet, we fain would profess you a boon
Of more congenial texture -- one that's wrought
In the fine fibres of the human heart,
Not in that heart where selfishness, and mean,
And low, and sordid feelings sit enthron'd:
And whose dull pulses are like clods confin'd
By the unwieldly chains of Ignorance.
For there are some, who, "privily have crept
Among us unawares" whose hearts are set
On gain, for filthy lucre's sake: -- an while
We say to you BEWARE OF SUCH, lest they
Abuse your liberality -- we say,
Esteem them our misfortune, not our fault;
For tares must grow among the wheat, until,
The time of harvest; therefore, the upright,
Must often suffer an unjust reproach,
    Pure Gratitude, our free-will off'ring, is
The product of an elevated mind:
When the heart beats with sensibility --
Reciprocates each high-born thought, and stoops
Unask'd, to pay its def'rence at the shrine --
The sacred shrine of generosity.
And some, yea many, spirits, such as these,
We have among us; -- Noble minded ones,
Who will not swerve from these unchanging laws --
The steadfast principles of righteousness: --
Whose firm integrity would yet remain
Unmov'd the "mountains skip like rams, and all
The little hills like lambs."
        The Gratitude
Which emanates from spirits such as these;
Is no mean offering -- neither cheaply won --
Ye noble, gen'rous hearted Citizens
Of Quincy!

MISSOURI. -- "A State of which we had long been proud, alike for her men and history, but now so FALLEN, that we could WISH HER STAR STRICKEN OUT FROM THE BRIGHT CONSTELLATION OF THE UNION!!"

                       J. J. BRADLEY,
Columbus Convention Candidate for County Surveyor.

Messrs. Bartlett & Sullivan: -- Sirs; enclosed is a copy of a letter, written from Liberty Jail, Mo., to Thomas H. Benton, for the purpose of drawing his attention to the all absorbing subject of the difficulties in Missouri, and to forwarn him, that if he wished to save his character; or that of the party in Missouri, to which he belongs, he must no longer remain silent, but step forward like a man of Honor and vindicate the cause of suffering, and bleeding humanity. He has hitherto treated this friendly hint with silent contempt. Only our anchor of hope now, is that the voice of an indignant people, will hurl such Demagogues from power; and place in their stead virtuous men who will impartially administer justice to all.

The whole is at your disposal, do with it as seemeth you good.

Yours, &c.                
L. WIGHT.                

Quincy, May 7, 1839.

Liberty, Clay Co. Mo., March 30, 1839.

Col. Thomas H. Benton: -- Dear sir; you will pardon me, for my boldness, in writing to one with whom I have no personal acquaintance. But sir, it is with the best of feelings and pure motives that I address you -- my confidence in you, as a Republican and Statesman has been unbounded. I therefore desire to lay before you a few facts concerning the difficulties which have taken place in Upper Missouri; and by whom those difficulties came. Sir, I would gladly forbear, but my duty prompts me to say that it came by the wicked mis-rule of Democracy. That Democracy which you and I have so dearly loved: yes it commenced, and has been carried on thus far, under the reign of the Democratic Party of which I have heretofore been a strong advocate. The flame commenced in 1832, and has been fanned by enthusiastic demagogues; until they have succeeded in driving at least five or six thousand inhabitants, including eight hundred democrat voters, from the state.

Permit me to say sir, that I have not been a little disappointed, to learn that our Representatives and Senators of the state of Missouri, have remained entirely silent upon a subject of so much importance. A subject sir, which in its very nature is calculated to leave a stain upon the character of this State so blackening and damnable that ages will not be able to "Expunge" it from the records of a Nation whose Constitution guarantees equal rights and privileges to all her citizens. The true character of this war, (if a war we may call it,) has gone forth into the eastern States, where your fame as a Republican and Statesman, is considered by your party first in this great Union, and they sir, will be very anxious to know, why it is, that you are so perfectly silent on this most important subject. Now sir, if you wish to learn the facts as they exist, without exaggeration, and have them proven by as many witnesses as you may desire, I will give it to you by letter from time to time, just as it is. If you should desire a correspondence with me on this subject, you will please direct a letter to me at Quincy, Illinois, as I expect to go to that place myself, or be removed from this prison to the lower part of the State, where my friends will be able to convey the same to me.

I have not written sir, thus plain, to speak diminutively of Democracy, or to injure your political feelings, but to show your Honor, that such proceedings will not only destroy Democracy, but the character of our young and flourishing State. I am sir, with sentiments of high esteem, your very obedient,


Notes: (forthcoming)


Vol. ?                       Quincy, Illinois, Sat., May 11, 1839.                       No. ?


[Commerce, Illinois, Wednesday, May 1, 1839.]    
To the Editor of the Argus:

SIR: -- In consequence of so great an influx of strangers arriving in this place daily, owing to their late expulsion from the State of Missouri, there must of necessity be, and we wish to state to the citizens of Quincy and the vicinity, through the medium of your columns, that there are many individuals amongst the number who have already arrived, as well as among those who are now on their way here, who never did belong to our Church, and others who once did, but who, for various reasons, have been expelled from our fellowship. Amongst these there are some who have contracted habits which are at variance with the principles of moral rectitude, (such as swearing, dram-drinking, etc.,) which immoralities the Church of Latter-day Saints is liable to be charged with, owing to our amalgamation [with them] under our late existing circumstances. And as we as a people do not wish to lie under any such imputation, we would also state, that such individuals do not hold a name nor a place amongst us; that we altogether discountenance everything of the kind; that every person belonging to our community, contracting or persisting in such immoral habits, has hitherto been expelled from our society; and that we will hold no communion with all such as we may hereafter be informed of, but will withdraw our fellowship from them.

We wish further to state, that we feel ourselves laid under peculiar obligations to the citizens of this place, for the patriotic feeling which has been manifested, and for the hand of liberality and friendship which has been extended to us in our late difficulties; and should feel sorry to see that philanthropy and benevolence abused by wicked and designing people, who under pretense of poverty and distress, would try to work upon the feelings of the charitable and humane, get into their debt without any prospect or intention of paying, and finally, perhaps, we as a people be charged with dishonesty.

We say that we altogether disapprove of such practices, and we warn the citizens of Quincy against such individuals, who may pretend to belong to our community.

By inserting this in your columns, you, sir, will confer upon us a very peculiar favor.

Written and signed in behalf of the Church of Latter-day Saints, by your very humble servant,
                        JOHN TAYLOR.

Notes: (forthcoming)


Bartlett & Sullivan.]         Quincy, Illinois, Sat., May 18, 1839.         [Vol. 2 - No. 3.


                        For the Quincy Whig.
            (BY MISS ELIZA. K. SNOW.)

Thou aged man: I bless thy hoary head --
      Blest be each veteran in our country's cause:
To you, from persecution's rage, we've fled
      To seek protection of those sacred Laws;
Those Laws, for which our noble fathers fought,
Which in Missouri, have been set at naught!

Methinks your heart must bleed, while often flow
      The crystal tears upon your furrow'd cheek;
To see those Rights, for which you suffer'd so,
      Usurp'd by those, of whom I scorn to speak,
While those, who should be priviledg'd to share,
Those free-born rights; are wandering here and there!

Thrust from our homes, where once we dwelt secure,
      Like wayward pilgrims, to your house we come;
Houseless and homeless -- shelterless and poor --
      Beneath your kindly roof, we find a home;
And find a heart, to Freedom's cause yet true,
Unlike Missouri's lawless, mobbing crew.

Missouri's exiles, own your friendly care;
      And in the season of adversity,
The orphan's bleeding, and the widow's pray'r
      Both morn and night, ascend to God for thee;
That thou mayst live so long as life is dear,
And peace and plenty crown thy closing year.

And when thy days are number'd here below,
      And you shall leave this rugged, nether soil;
May you depart in peace; and may you go,
      Where weary spirits rest, secure from toil:
Go, join thy spirit to that noble band,
Who sav'd our Country from th' oppressor's hand.


For the Quincy Whig.


Having said in my last, or in the letter to the editors of the Louisville Journal, that I had, from personal observation a perfect knowledge of the difficulties in Missouri, I now take the liberty through the medium of your paper, of publishing to the world a history of those foul transactions under the head of


Prefacing it with a short history of the first settlement of the eastern emigrants in that State, being careful to state nothing but what is susceptible of proof.

Some time in the month of August, 1831, I arrived in Independence, Jackson county, Mo., for the purpose of finding a home for my family, who arrived there on the 6th of Sept. following. In the course of the season there was 30 or 40 families of my acquaintance landed at the same place. We were well pleased with the country; the soil being deep and very rich and beautifully interspersed with prairie and pleasant groves of timber, thro' which many streams passed in their serpentine course to mingle their waters with Missouri's flood. We purchased land in the neighborhood of Independence, situated near the Western borders of this great Republic.

A more delightful country to the eye of the eastern farmer, (who had been accustomed to a rough and heavy timbered country) never presented itself. Here it was, we anticipated cultivating the fertile soil -- enlarging our farms as our young families increased, pleased with the easy prospect of procuring wealth and supporting our families; we looked forward in fond expectation to the time which to the industrious farmer did not appear distant when we could walk forth from our own mansion houses, to view our pleasant gardens, beautiful fields of ripened grain; or well stored barns and granaries, orchards with their ripening fruit; or vinyards, yielding their pleasant juices, fit to gladden the heart of God and man. We fondly hoped, that here we would be privileged to enjoy the good of our labor; to sit under our own vine, and eat the fruit of our own fields and orchards, and none to molest or make us afraid. But in this we were disappointed.

We continued through the winter season building, fencing, and preparing for putting in crops in the spring. The new country, the mild climate, the sound of the woodman's axe in the forest; the teamster with his mild voice, guiding the horned ox moving the timber from the forest to its destined place. The nimble deer, lightly bounding over the vast plains. -- The flocks of wild turkies, whose voice was heard at the dawning of day. Our wives, who had left their kitchens for tents, and their parlors for log cabins, had become highly pleased with this delightful scene, and to render in ten fold more glorious, raised their voices and sung melodies to the Great Author of all good. -- Our little pratlers were called around the fires of our cabins and there taught the necessity of offering up prayers and thanksgiving to the Author of their existence, who so kindly bestows so many good gifts upon his children. Thence after our scanty meal of boiled corn and beef, we proceeded to our daily labor. At this time there were no mills; but we had some excellent mill-wrights who soon remedied this evil by erecting a mill propelled by horse power, and in the following autumn, the industrious farmer, was able to load his wagon with grain of his own raising, and away to mill, soon returning with a supply of meal and flour, food for himself and family.

Gentle reader, you will conclude, that we were by this time a happy people, and so we were; but oh! how transient is all earthly good. How often in the midst of prosperity, do we find lurking in our midst secret enemies, who wait for a favorable opportunity to mar our peace, and destroy our fairest prospects. Such was our situation in upper Missouri; there was amongst us a set of beings hardly one shade above the aborigines of North America. These too lazy to procure the blessings of nature for themselves, envied the possession of them by those who being raised in a land of industry and christian habits, procured them for themselves.

Such was the character of a large portion of the inhabitants among whom we dwelt. We shall not deny, but what there were some lawyers, doctors and merchants, amongst them who were educated men. -- But the most of these were reported to have swindled the gallows and penitentiaries out of their rights in Kentucky, Tennessee and elsewhere. These very cunningly strove to keep the ignorant herd of almost savages in blindness, that they might more easily rule over them. -- They persuaded them, that if they did not drive the aspiring Yankees from their midst, they would soon be their leaders in office, and being men of education, cheat them out of their lands. Thus they soon excited them to commence hostilities against us. Our numbers were increased to about 1200. They first formed themselves into a band headed by L. W. Boggs, Lt. Gov., Samuel Owens, Col., and others, good loco foco, democro, deviloco, or any thing that you could ask or find a name for, pledging their lives, property and sacred honor (if any they had) to each other to exterminate the Mormons or drive them from the country. They gave us orders to leave. Not believing that a set of beings in this Republic could have the audacity to put such a threat into execution, we paid but little heed to it until about the 20th of July, when they collected in Independence 5 or 600 strong and proceeded to tar and feather Edward Partridge, a man of unblemished character -- a man of manners so amiable, that even the most barbarous savages would have loved, honored and respected him. But these worse than desperadoes, proceeded to divest him of his clothes, in the open street, and besmear him all over with tar, adding feathers to the garb; in this frightful posture, sending him some distance through the streets to his own house; they also tarred and feathered a man by the name of Charles Allen.
L. W.
(To be continued.)

         From the New York Observer.

ORIGIN OF MORMONISM. -- The Book of Mormon, or the "Golden Bible," it would seem, is the Production of the Rev. Solomon Spaulding, a graduate of Dartmouth College, and formerly pastor of a Presbyterian church on the Western Reserve in Ohio. While suffering under disease, to amuse himself and his friends, he wrote an imaginary history of the mysterious race of men who built the ancient mounds and other works of art, which are scattered so profusely over the valley of the Mississippi. His manuscript, falling into the hands of wicked and designing men, has been perverted into the means of building up the new sect of fanatics who are making so much noise in the West. --

The Rev. John Storrs, of Holliston, Mass., learning that the widow of Mr. Spaulding (now Mrs. Davidson, having, since Mr. S.'s death, married a second husband) was still living at Monson, Mass., and could testify to this fact, addressed her a letter, and obtained the following narrative, which we copy from the Boston Recorder of last week.

As this book has excited much attention and has been put by a certain new sect, in the place of the sacred Scriptures, I deem it a duty which I owe to the public, to state what I know touching its origin. -- That its claims to a divine origin are wholly unfounded, needs no proof to a mind unperverted by the grossest delusions. That any sane person should rank it higher than any other merely human composition, is a matter of the greatest astonishment; yet it is received as divine by some who dwell in enlightened New England, and even by those who have sustained the character of devoted Christians. Learning recently, that Mormonism had found its way into a church in Massachusetts, and has impregnated some of its members with its gross delusions, so that excommunication has become necessary, I am determined to delay no longer doing what I can to strip the mask from this monster of sin, and to lay open this pit of abominations.

Rev. Solomon Spaulding, to whom I was united in marriage in early life, was a graduate of Dartmouth College, and was distinguished for a lively imagination and a great fondness for history. At the time of our marriage, he resided in Cherry Valley, N.Y. From this place we removed to New Salem, Ashtabula county, Ohio; sometimes called Conneaut, as it is situated upon Conneaut Creek. Shortly after our removal to this place, his health sunk, and he was laid aside from active labors. In the town of New Salem, there are numerous mounds and forts, supposed by many to be the dilapidated dwellings and fortifications of a race now extinct. These ancient relics arrest the attention of the new settlers and become objects of research for the curious. Numerous implements were found and other articles evincing great skill in the arts. -- Mr. Spaulding being an educated man and passionately fond of history, took a lively interest in these developments of antiquity; and in order to beguile the hours of retirement and furnish employment for his lively imagination, he conceived the idea of giving an historical sketch of this long lost race. Their extreme antiquity of course would lead him to write in the most ancient style, and as the Old Testament is the most ancient book in the world, he imitated its style as nearly as possible. His sole object in writing this historical romance was to amuse himself and his neighbors. This was about the year 1812. Hull's surrender at Detroit, occurred near the same time, and I recollect the date well from that circumstance. As he progressed in his narrative, the neighbors would come in from time to time to hear portions read, and a great interest in the work was excited among them. It claimed to have been written by one of the lost nation and to have been recovered from the earth, and, assumed the title of "Manuscript Found." The neighbors would often inquire how Mr. S. progressed in decyphering "the manuscript," and when he had sufficient portion prepared he would inform them, and they would assemble to hear it read. He was enabled from his acquaintance with the classics and ancient history, to introduce many singular names, which were particularly noticed by the people and could be easily recognized by them. Mr. Solomon Spaulding had a brother, Mr. John Spaulding residing in the place at the time, who was perfectly familiar with this work and repeatedly heard the whole of it read.

From New Salem we removed to Pittsburgh, Pa. Here Mr. S. found an acquaintance and friend, in the person of Mr. Patterson, an editor of a newspaper. He exhibited his manuscript to Mr. P. who was very much pleased with it, and borrowed it for perusal. He retained it a long time and informed Mr. S. that if he would make out a title page and preface, he would publish it and it might be a source of profit. This Mr. S. refused to do for reasons which I cannot now state. -- Sidney Rigdon, who has figured so largely in the history of the Mormons, was at this time connected with the printing office of Mr. Patterson, as is well known in that region, and as Rigdon himself has frequently stated. Here he had ample opportunity to become acquainted with Mr. Spaulding's manuscript, and to copy it if he chose. It was a matter of notoriety and interest to all who were connected with the printing establishment. At length the manuscript was returned to its author, and soon after we removed to Amity, Washington county, Pa., where Mr. S. died in 1816. The manuscript then fell into my hands and was carefully preserved. It has frequently been examined by my daughter, Mrs. McKenstry, of Monson, Mass., with whom I now reside, and by other friends. After the "Book of Mormon" came out, a copy of it was taken to New Salem, the place of Mr. Spaulding's residence and the place where the "Manuscript Found" was written. A woman preacher appointed a meeting there, and in the meeting read and repeated copious extracts from the "Book of Mormon." The historical part was immediately recognized by all the older inhabitants, as the identical work of Mr. S., in which they had been so deeply interested years before. Mr. John Spaulding was present, who is an eminently pious man, and recognized perfectly the work of his brother. He was amazed and afflicted, that it should have been perverted to so wicked a purpose. His grief found vent in a flood of tears, and he arose on the spot, and expressed to the meeting his deep sorrow and regret, that the writings of his sainted brother should be used for a purpose so vile and shocking. The excitement in New Salem became so great, that the inhabitants had a meeting, and deputed Dr. Philastus Hulbert, one of their number to repair to this place and to obtain from me the original manuscript of Mr. Spaulding, for the purpose of comparing it with the Mormon Bible, to satisfy their own minds and to prevent their friends from embracing an error so delusive. This was in the year 1834. Dr. Hurlburt brought with him an introduction and request for the manuscript, signed by Messrs. Lake, Aaron Wright and others, with all whom I was acquainted; as they were my neighbors when I resided in New Salem.

I am sure that nothing could grieve my husband more, were he living, than the use which has been made of his work. -- The air of antiquity which was thrown about the composition, doubtless suggested the idea of converting it to the purposes of delusion. Thus an historical romance, with the addition of a few pious expressions and extracts from the sacred Scriptures, has been construed into a new bible and palmed off upon a company of poor deluded fanatics, as divine. I have given the previous brief narration, that this work of deep deception and wickedness may be searched to the foundation, and its author exposed to the contempt and execration he so justly deserves.

MATILDA DAVISON.            

The Rev. Dr. Ely, pastor of the Congregational Church in Monson, and D. R. Austin, principal of the Monson Academy. have given their certificate that Mrs. D. is "a woman of irreproachable character, and an humble Christian, and that her testimony is worthy of implicit confidence."


To the Editors of the Quincy Whig:

Dear Sirs; it appears there are some persons belonging to the same religious class with myself; who have been assailed in round language for my polite address to Col. Benton; it was said that it would not do for the church to come out thus against the present Administration. Although I have not spoken evil of any administration, save that of Missouri, I ask pardon of those gentlemen, and ask them in future not to charge my sins (if sins you can call them) to other men. I consider that all the freeborn sons of Columbia have the privilege of voting for who they please without being paid for it, or being bound to any society. My friends in the society have labored with me, and many of them have visited me and will not support me in my politics. Hence you will discover that I (as all honest men should do) go on my own credit. Yours &c.
                                    L. WIGHT.

Note 1: The appearance of the 1839 statement from the widow of Solomon Spalding in the Quincy Whig set off an interesting chain reaction of events, culminating in what the LDS leaders felt was proof positive that the widow never made such a statement -- or, if she did, that she never implicated them as criminals in the purloining and plagiarizing of her late husband's writings. The Whig's reprint of the widow's statement came at a time of vulnerability for the Mormon refugees who had recently congregated in western Illinois after being ejected from their former homes in the state of Missouri. Elder David W. Patten had been killed; Elders Thomas B. Marsh, Orson Hyde, W. W. Phelps, William Smith, the Whitmers, the Cowderies, Martin Harris, John Corrill, and others had fallen into apostasy; and the Church was in disarray, being barely held together by the less than cooperative First Counselor (sidney Rigdon) and the new President of the Twelve (Brigham Young). With Joseph Smith, Jr. barely beginning to re-assume control over the shaken Saints, the last thing in the world that the Mormon leaders needed was controversy and scandal regarding the "true" origin of their unique volume of holy writ, the Book of Mormon. The widow's published statement, however, contained some errors and over-generalizations, and upon these inconsistencies Elder Sidney Rigdon fell with an eager venegance in is only substantial denial of the Spalding authorship claims.

Note 2: The most unfortunate misstatement in the widow's 1839 statement is the remark: "Sidney Rigdon, who has figured so largely in the history of the Mormons, was at this time connected with the printing office of Mr. Patterson, as is well known in that region, and as Rigdon himself has frequently stated." It is very doubtful that the widow actually voiced that allegation, as it is actually a literary conflation of two sentences somehow derived from E. D. Howe's 1834 Mormonism Unvailed: "While they [the Spaldings] lived in Pittsburgh, she [the widow] thinks it [her husband's manuscript] was once taken to the printing office of Patterson & Lambdin." -- and -- "We have been credibly informed that he [Sidney Rigdon] was on terms of intimacy with Lambdin, being seen frequently in his shop. Rigdon resided in Pittsburgh about three years, and during the whole of that time, as he has since frequently asserted, abandoned preaching and all other employment, for the purpose of studying the bible." Thus, second-hand testimony linking Sidney Rigdon to the printer J. Harrison Lambdin, of Pittsburgh, was muddled into a seeming allegation, saying that Rigdon was once somehow connected with a printing business operated by Robert Patterson, Sr., of that same city. The 1839 publication of this misworded allegation gave Sidney Rigdon something to protest against and to deny in righteous indignation -- which of course he quickly did: see the Whig of June 8th.


Bartlett & Sullivan.]         Quincy, Illinois, Sat., May 25, 1839.         [Vol. 2 - No. 4.


DIFFERENCE OF OPINION. -- It will be noticed from the following communication, that there exists a difference of opinion among the leading men of the Mormon faith as to the origin of the difficulties in Missouri, and as to the party, to which the disgraceful scenes enacted there, may be charged. This communication tends to invalidate the statements made by Mr. Wight, in regard to this matter; and we think, with a very little show of reason. We might put some very pertinent questions to the subscribers below, which, were they to answer correctly, would fully sustain the position assumed by Mr. Wight. Who and what is Liliburn W. Boggs, and of what party is he the leader and representative? To what party were those members attached, who so strenuously advocated, in the late session of the legislature of Missouri, an investigation into the Mormon troubles, for the purpose of rendering justice where it was due? To what party were those demagogues attached, who in the same legislature, as strenuously opposed such investigation, and to cap the climax of iniquity, voted away two hundred thousand dollars of the people's money, to pay the militia and mob for their services in carrying out the 'exterminating order' of the Governor? -- And, in fact, the scene of the outrages was laid in the darkest loco foco corner of the State.

If we understand Mr. Wight correctly, he has published nothing as representative of the 'Church' with which he is connected. His communications are his own -- his individual sentiments -- and over his own proper signature. He has charged the outrages committed upon the Mormon people to the demagogues who now rule Missouri with an iron hand, and from all the facts which have as yet come to our knowledge, we consider that his statements cannot be controverted. Although we are not one of those who would like to see Missouri 'struck out of the Union,' as a punishment for the acts of a party, still we wish to see the responsibility of the outrages, rest where they ought, without confounding the innocent with the guilty. -- (EDS. WHIG.)

Commerce, May 17, 1839.                

To the Editors of the Quincy Whig:

GENTLEMEN: Some letters in your paper have appeared over the signature of Lyman Wight, in relation to our affairs with Missouri. We consider it is Mr. Wight's privilege to express his opinion in relation to political or religious matters, and we profess no authority in the case whatever, but we have thought, and do still think, that it is not doing our cause justice to make a political question of it in any manner whatever. We have not at any time thought, there was any political party as such, chargeable with the Missouri barbarities, neither any religious society, as such. They were committed by a mob composed of all parties, regardless of all differences of opinion, either political or religious.

The determined stand in this State, and by the people of Quincy in particular, made against the lawless outrages of the Missouri mobbers, by all parties in politics and religion, have entitled them equally to our thanks and our profoundest regards, and such, gentlemen, we hope they will always receive from us. Favors of this kind ought to be engraven on the rock, to last forever.

We wish to say to the public, through your paper, that we disclaim any intention of making a political question of our difficulties with Missouri, believing that we are not justified in so doing. We ask the aid of all parties, both in politics and religion, to have justice done us and obtain redress of our grievances. We think, gentlemen, in so saying we have the feelings of our people generally, however individuals may differ; and we wish you to consider the letters of Lyman Wight, as the feelings and views of an individual, but not of the society as such. We are satisfied that our people, as a body, disclaim all such sentiments, and feel themselves equally bound to both parties, in this State, as far as kindness is concerned, and good will; and also believe, that all political parties in Missouri are equally guilty.

Should this note meet the public eye through the medium of your paper, it will much oblige your humble servants.

SIDNEY RIGDON,            
JOSEPH SMITH, JR.            
HIRAM SMITH.           

Notes: (forthcoming)


Bartlett & Sullivan.]         Quincy, Illinois, Sat., June 1, 1839.         [Vol. 2 - No. 5.


As this is entirely a new ism, unknown in the world until within a few years past, it may not be amiss to give some account of its theory before we proceed further to give a detail of the practices of its professors. We must say, however, that our knowledge in this is very limited because of the almost impossibility of the uninitiated getting into its secrets. Christianity with its more than six hundred isms forms no part of their creed. I have myself heard them curse the christian's God and Jesus Christ, with many other appalling imprecations, to harsh for pen to write or tongue express. The virtues of Mahometanism or the learning of Hindoo or Bramanism is not found amongst them. They do not, as the ancient Chaldeans, build temples to the stars; nor with Egypt, worship Osiris and Isis. -- Neither, as we ever learned, do they cause their children to pass thro' the fire to Moloch, as did the ancient Canaanites; it is supposed that some part of the religion of the Scythians, has crept into their creed; by this religion, horses were sacrificed, and every hundredth man, taken in battle. And we know that when they camped at Far West and Diamon in the great "Mormon War," they took all the good horses they could lay their hands on, for what purpose we know not, unless it was to sacrifice to one of their Gods. They at this time fought no battle and therefore had no prisoners taken in battle to offer. -- After they had by stratagem drawn us to their camp, they matched us in under a guard of 50 men and a three pounder; as soon as we were enclosed by the columns of the whole army, at the brandish of the sword of one, we supposed to be their high priest, Mr. L----, there was a shout, such as one, for hideousness, as was never heard.

We observed among them 17 persons who were or had been christian priests, who we suppose had become priests of this new religion for the purpose of assisting in its august ceremonies. In the course of the evening we saw a house sacrificed to the god, Mars. We observed that amongst those that assisted in the ceremonies, there were many with their faces painted after the Indian fashion, and among them was Cornelius C. Gilliam, a man with whom we were acquainted -- a priest of one of the christian isms and a Loco Foco member of the Missouri Senate -- from which circumstances we were led to conclude that Missouri Loco Foco-ism and this new ism were somehow blended. Notwithstanding all their preparations for the great appeasing sacrifice to their god, of the intended human victims, they were prevented by the schism of one (Gen. D.) who it appears was not so far initiated into their religion, as to be willing to see human beings immolated. --

From all that we could learn their principal god was Baccus, the son of Jupiter and Semele, and the god of wine. The reader will recollect that he was worshipped by all the nations of antiquity, the Hebrews only excepted. That his votaries were dressed in skins and ran about the hills and country shouting, and that all their solemnities were attended with disgusting scenes of drunkenness and debauchery. Any person who has visited upper Missouri, where this new religion prevails, will know that this is the true character of its inhabitants. Having said thus much of the new religion, we leave the subject, (hoping that in the next Theological publication it may find a place among the isms of the day) and proceed with our narrative. On the same day that Partridge and Allen were tarred and feathered, they threw down a small brick building, which was occupied as a printing office, and threw the press, types, books, paper, &c. &c. pell-mell into the street. After many menacing threats they dispersed; this was Saturday and they agreed to meet on the next Tuesday.

Tuesday came and the mob came also. They then drew up a paper which was signed by E. Partridge, J. Morley, S. Gilbert, W. W. Phelps. J. Carroll and J. Whitmer, on the part of the Mormons agreeing that they should all leave the country, one half by the first of January the balance the following Spring. Thus we found ourselves, reduced by a lawless mob, (unless it was the law of their religion) to the deplorable necessity, of preparing to leave our so lately peaceful homes. -- Homes which we had purchased with our own money and made with our own hands, for the purpose of supporting our tender women and helpless children. Oh! ye noble hearted sons of America, who pride yourselves in the far famed institutions of our country; do you not blush to see such scenes transpire within our once peaceful borders! Ye, white headed fathers of the Holy Religion of Jesus Christ, the Son of the Eternal God -- will you not raise your solemn warning voice against this worse than heathen cruelty, wickedness and abominations. The scene was now entirely changed; that cheerfulness which so lately characterized the countenance of the new settler now changed into a sober and reflecting melancholy; the enchanting music of our domiciles was changed into mournful ditties. The sound of the woodman's axe or the voice of the teamster was no more heard in the forest. But all was silent preparation for the expected expulsion.

(To be continued.)

Notes: (forthcoming)


Vol. ?                       Quincy, Illinois, Sat., June 1, 1839.                       No. ?


To the Editors of the Argus.

GENTLEMEN: -- Observing in the last week's Whig, a communication over the names of Messrs. Rigdon and J. and H. Smith, in relation to the letters of Mr. Lyman Wight, which have lately appeared in that paper, and believing that the sentiments therein expressed, are in unison with those entertained by the body, of which we form a part, and feeling desirous to give publicity to the same, we should esteem it a favor if you would give it a place in your columns, and by so doing, you will oblige, Yours, Respectfully,

                          Commerce, May 17th, 1839.

To the Editors of the Quincy Whig.

GENTLEMEN. -- Some letters in your paper have appeared over the signature of Lyman Wight, in relation to our affairs with Missouri. We consider that it is Mr. Wight's privilege to express his opinion in relation to political or religious matters, and we profess no authority in the case whatever; but we have thought, and do still think, that it is not doing our cause justice, to make a political question of it in any manner whatever. We have not at any time thought, that there was any political party as such, chargeable with the Missouri barbarities, neither any religious society as such.

They were committed by a mob, composed of all parties, regardless of all differences of opinion, either political or religious.

The determined stand in this state, and by the people of Quincy in particular, made against the lawless outrages of the Missouri mobbers, by all parties in politics and religion, have entitled them equally to our thanks and our profoundest regard; and such, gentlemen, we hope they will always receive from us. Favors of this kind ought to be engraven on the rock to last forever.

We wish to say to the public through your paper, that we disclaim any intention of making a political question of our difficulties with Missouri, believing that we are not justified in so doing. We ask the aid of all parties, both in politics and religion, to have justice done us to obtain redress of our grievances.

We think, gentlemen, in so saying we have the feelings of our people generally, however individuals may differ, and we wish you to consider the letters of Mr. Weight, as the feelings and views of an individual, but not of the society as such. We are satisfied that our people, as a body, disclaim all such sentiments, and feel themselves equally bound to both parties, in this state, as far as kindness is concerned, and good will; and also believe, that all political parties in Missouri are equally guilty. Should this note meet the public eye through the medium of your paper, it will much oblige your humble servants, SIDNEY RIGDON,

Fellow Citizens and Brethren! Turn not a deaf ear to this cry of the oppressed! The Mormons are outlawed, exiled, robbed; -- they ask of your justice and your charity that you befriend them. They have suffered these outrages from mob violence; they bid you beware, lest licentiousness unreproved bring ruin to your own privileges. Law has been trampled down, and liberty of conscience violated, and all rights of citizenship and brotherhood outraged by the house-burnings, field-wastings, insults, whippings, murders, which they have suffered; and in the name of humanity and of heaven, they pray you to utter the indignant condemnation merited by such crimes.

Notes: (forthcoming)


Bartlett & Sullivan.]         Quincy, Illinois, Sat., June 8, 1839.         [Vol. 2 - No. 6.


A MORMON POETESS. -- Several of the late numbers of the "Quincy Whig," contain the poetical effusions of a new candidate for fame, Miss Eliza K. [sic - R?] Snow, a Mormon. We learn verbally, that her productions are exciting much attention.

We have seen but a few of them, yet those few give evidence of genius and taste. In the address "To the citizens of Quincy," are many lines that are marked with deep feeling.

From the lines to a "Revolutionary Father" who has been influencial in providing for that sect a home in Quincy, we extract the following:

"Missouri's exiles own your friendly care,
  And in the season of adversity,
The orphan's blessing and the widow's prayer
  Both morn and night ascend to God for thee."

We have no room for further extracts. The hospitality that deluded, but persecuted sect receive from the people of Quincy, without distinction of party, reflects much credit upon the town.


COMMERCE, May 27th, 1839.    

In your paper of the 18th inst. I see a letter signed by somebody, calling herself Matilda Davidson, pretending to give the origin of Mormonism, as she is pleased to call it, by relating a moonshine story about a certain Solomon Spalding, a creature with the knowledge of whose earthly existence, I am entirely indebted to this production; for surely, until Doctor Philastus Hurlburt informed me that such a being lived, at some former period, I had not the most distant knowledge of his existence; and all I now know about his character is, the opinion I form from what is attributed to his wife, in obtruding my name upon the public in the manner in which she is said to have done it, by trying to make the public believe, that I had knowledge of the ignorant, and according to her own testimony, the lying scribblings of her deceased husband; for if her testimony is to be credited, her pious husband, in his life time, wrote a bundle of lies, for the righteous purpose of getting money. How many lies he had told for the same purpose while he was preaching, she has not so kindly informed us; but we are at liberty to draw our own conclusions; for he that would write lies to get money, would also preach lies for the same object. This being the only information which I have, or ever had, of this said Rev. Solomon Spalding, I, of necessity have but a very light opinion of him as a gentleman, a scholar, or a man of piety; for had he been either, he certainly would have taught his pious wife not to lie, nor unite herself with adulterers, liars, and the basest of mankind.

It is only necessary to say, in relation to the whole story about Spalding's writings being in the hands of Mr. Patterson, who was in Pittsburg, and who is said to have kept a printing office, and my saying that I was concerned in said office, &c. &c. is the most base of lies, without even the shadow of truth; there was no man by the name of Patterson during my residence at Pittsburgh who had a printing office; what might have been before I lived there I know not. Mr. Robert Patterson, I was told, had owned a printing office before I lived in that city, but had been unfortunate in business, and failed before my residence there. This Mr. Patterson, who was a Presbyterian preacher, I had a very slight acquaintance with during my residence in Pittsburgh. He was then acting under an agency, in the book and stationery business, and was the owner of no property of any kind, printing office, or any thing else, during the time I resided in the city.

If I were to say that I ever heard of the Rev. Solomon Spalding, and his hopeful wife, until Dr. P. Hurlburt wrote his lie about me, I should be a liar like unto themselves. Why was not the testimony of Mr. Patterson obtained to give force to this shameful tale of lies; the only reason is, that he was not a fit tool for them to work with; he would not lie for them; for if he were called on, he would testify to what I have here said.

Let me here, gentlemen, give a history of this Dr. P. Hulburt and his associates, who aided in getting up and propagating this batch of lies.

I have seen and heard, at one time and another, by the persecutors and haters of the truth, a great deal said about the eminent physician, Doctor Hulburt. I never thought the matter worthy of notice, nor probably ever should, had it not made its appearance in your paper, or some one of equal respectability. And I believe, gentlemen, had you have known the whole history of this budget of lies, it would never have found a place in your paper. --
But to my history.

This said Doctor was never a physician, at any time, nor anything else, but a base ruffian. He was the seventh son, and his parents called him Doctor; it was his name, and not the title of his profession.

He once belonged to the Methodist Church and was excluded for immoralities. He afterwards imposed himself on the Church of "Latter Day Saints," and was excluded for using obscene language to a young lady, a member of said church, who resented his insult with indignation, which became both her character and profession.

After his exclusion, he swore -- for he was vilely profane -- that he would have revenge, and commenced his work. He soon found assistance, a pious old deacon of the Campbellite church, by the name of Onis [sic] Clapp, and his two sons, Thomas J. Clapp and Matthew S. Clapp, both Campbellite preachers, abetted and assisted by another Campbellite preacher by the name of Adamson Bentley. Hulburt went to work, catering lies for the company. Before Hulburt got through, his conduct became so scandalous, that the company utterly refused to let his name go out with the lies which he had collected, and he and his associates had made; and they substituted the name of E. D. Howe. The change, however, was not much better. There were scandalous immoralities about the Howe family of so black a character, that they had nothing to lose, and became good tools for this holy company to work with. A man of character would never have put his name to a work which Hulburt was concerned in. But while Hulburt was busily employed in the service of the company, old deacon Clapp was employed in taking care of his wife. How many others of the company aided in this business must be left to futurity to disclose. At a certain time, Hulburt being out till a late hour in the night, returned to his house, and in going to his bed room where his wife was. Behold and Lo! there was the pious old deacon, either in the bed with his wife, or at the side of it. He had a five dollar bank note in his hand, and his dress was rather light, to suit the Doctor's taste; for he was not quite as well off as was Aaron, when he offered sacrifice; not even having on a pair of "linen breeches."  Hulburt laid hold of him and called for help, which soon came to his assistance. The pious old deacon was arraigned before a justice of the peace, and was on the eve of being bound over for his appearance to the county court, when to put an end to the evils which might result from his pious care of Mrs. Hulburt, he kindly offered a yoke of oxen and a hundred dollars; this was accepted.  Hulburt took his wife and left the country forthwith, and the pious old deacon and his sons and the good Mr. Bentley, are left to wear out the shame of their great effort to destroy the character of innocent men, whom they never dare meet in argument. The tale in your paper is one hatched up by this gang before the time of their explosion.

It has always been a matter of no ordinary satisfaction to me, to know that my enemies have no better weapon to use against me, or the cause in which I am engaged, than lies; for if they had any better, they would certainly use them. I must confess, however, that there is some constancy in our persecutors; for, as truth never can destroy truth, it would be in vain for our persecutors to use truth against us, for this would only build us up; this they seem to know, and lay hold of the only available means they have, which are lies. And this, indeed, is the only weapon which can be or ever has been used against the truth. As our persecutors are endeavoring to stop the progress of truth, I must confess that they act with a degree of consistency in the choice of the means, namely, lies -- but if truth would do it, they would surely not have recourse to lies.

In order to give character to their lies, they dress them up with a great deal of piety; for a pious lie, you know, has a good deal more influence with an ignorant people than a profane one. Hence, their lies come signed by the pious wife, of a pious deceased priest. However, his last act of piety seems to have been to write a bundle of lies, themselves being witnesses; but then his great piety sanctifies them, and lies become holy things in the hands of such excessive piety, particularly when they are graced with a few Reverends; but the days have gone by, when people are to be deceived by these false glossings of Rev'd sanctions; the intelligent part of the communities, of all parts of the country, know that Rev'ds are not more notorious for truth than their neighbors.

The only reason why I am assailed by lies, is that my opposers dare not adventure on argument, knowing that if they do, they fall. They try, therefore to keep the public from investigating, by publishing and circulating falsehoods. This I consider a high encomium on both myself and the cause I defend.

                               S. RIGDON.


Expulsion, cried a noble hearted patriot of '76, who was present, has it, said he, came to this -- have I stood where the noble sons of Columbia fell on the right hand and on the left; little did I think, said he, when I saw the patriotic zeal that fired the breast of every true American, that I should stand leaning on my staff and witness demagogues rise up and say, ye gray headed patriots leave your peaceful homes or deny your religion; and yet these men call themselves republicans, and say it is unjust to be called loco focos, coffee house loungers, &c. They seem to be somewhat connected to the expunging party, but have rather turned out expulsioners, therefore you will perceive that their religion not only consists of expelling, but also of expulsion and extermination. O! ye noble hearted sons of Columbia, weep over the graves of your fathers, who have fallen to redeem this land from the iron yoke of Britannic oppression, let your tears mingle with the dust that has returned to its mother dust, and liberated that noble spirit that dared to say to the sons of Columbia, be free -- be careful not to call back that soul to see the scenes of blood and carnage committed by mobocracy in Missouri, a State hitherto claiming the rights of a free government, has now fallen a victim to demagogues of the lowest loco foco corner. The word expulsion in a free government, under a full and complete reign of a party claiming to be the democracy of the day, gave a sound as when the seven thunders uttered their voices, and when Boggs had altered his voice in Jackson county, we were about to write, but we were forbidden, saying, seal up these things until a future day, for if we should write, Boggs would not rise up to be Governor, that through the influence of loco focoism he might be able to exterminate or drive us from the State. But to return to my subject in Jackson county. --

The instrument of writing was signed, which was a firm agreement with them, that we should have equal rights, and privileges with other citizens, until the time expired for which the writing called; from this we had hoped to live in peace for a short season, but this hellish mob being desirous of wrecking their vengeance upon innocent blood, commenced their depredations immediately, by whipping a man by the name of Putnam, who crawled into the bushes and there died, and was found by having been dragged forth by the hogs. These ruffians went in companies of from fifteen to twenty generally, threatening men, women and children, that if they did not leave instantaneously, they would be put to death; notwithstanding such conduct, we relied on the agreement so entered into, and matters went on thus, until some time in the month of October, when the mob met at a place known by the name of the Whitmer Branch of the Church, and there, when all were asleep, in the silent watches of the night, they broke in the door, and forced a man by the name of George Bebee from his bed, and with whips and hickory clubs beat him inhumanely, also unroofed about thirteen dwelling houses and insulted women with the most abusive language. On the next day they went from place to place making use of threats, &c., and during all this time occasionally letting down our fences, and turning their horses, cattle, and hogs into our corn fields. About this time we armed ourselves in defence, which so enraged these ruffians that sixty of them in number fell upon a small party of our men, amounting to only fifteen, and they fired upon us, which was returned; there were two of them killed and four wounded, and we had five wounded, one of whom proved mortal, upon which they retreated and left the ground. They entered a storehouse of Sidney Gilbert in Independence, dragged out the goods, and tramped them in the street, threw down a small brick dwelling house, thrust poles and rails through the windows of six or eight other houses, and closed that scene by demolishing with brick bats any thing that came their way. I will here notice that we caught one man in the act of brickbatting the store door, with calicoes, silks, and other fine goods entwined about his feet; he was taken before one 'Squire Weston, who immediately discharged him; the next day he took five or six men for false imprisonment, and shut them up in jail, and our people being fired with indignation at such a scene as this, I with about two hundred men went to release them from being murdered, as they were shot at several times before they entered the prison. When we were collecting, Lieutenant Governor Boggs ordered Colonel Pitcher to bring out the militia. (being careful to discharge the prisoners first,) we marched within half a mile of each other; they then proposed that if we would give up our arms, they would disarm the mob, and bind themselves to see that we should be protected; accordingly we complied with this proposal, and matters were thus set at rest for this day.
(To be continued.)

Note 1: Elder Sidney Rigdon's letter was written at Commerce (later Nauvoo) on May 27, 1839, and was addressed to "Messrs. Bartlett and Sullivan" (Sylvester M. Bartlett and Henry V. Sullivan, the editors, and Mr. Sullivan, the publisher -- of the Quincy Whig). Rigdon, had escaped from Liberty Jail in Clay Co., MO on Feb. 5, 1839 and had made his way to safety in Quincy, IL by Feb. 16th. During the following nine weeks Rigdon was the highest ranking Mormon official not behind bars and was the de facto leader of the Saints gathering in and around Adams Co., IL. Rigdon was joined in Quincy on April 22 by a freshly-escaped Joseph Smith. In a Church Conference held there a couple of days later, Smith received consent from the members to inspect and acquire property at Commerce, in neighboring Hancock Co. During the first week in May, in a second conference held near Quincy, Rigdon was appointed to go to Washington, D.C. and present Mormon redress petitions to Government officials there. Within a week both Smith and Rigdon had moved their families to Commerce and were settling into homes they'd purchased there (Rigdon initially lived with his well to do son-in-law, George W. Robinson, in Isaac Galland's old mansion at Commerce). On May 18th (before Rigdon could depart on his anticipated trip) the Quincy Whig reprinted Mrs. Davison's statement and Rigdon felt compelled to respond. The Mormons relied on nearby sources like the Quincy Whig, Quincy Argus, Warsaw Signal, and Sangamo Journal for their news from the outside world. Arriving in Quincy on Feb., 1, 1839, a Mormon named Ebenezer Robinson (later editor of the Nauvoo Times & Seasons) found temporary work at the Quincy Whig. Ebenezer Robinson was just leaving that temporary job with the Whig to move to Commerce, when an unknown party forwarded a recent clipping from the New York Observer to Bartlett and Sullivan, along with a request that they print its contents in their paper. Ebenezer Robinson may have been instrumental in getting quick word to Rigdon that the Whig had just reprinted the Matilda Spalding Davison statement which had initially appeared in the April 19th issue of The Boston Recorder.

Note 2: Elder Sidney Rigdon's high dudgeon and ruffled priestly feathers appear to center upon one particular misstatement, to be found in the Whig's reprint of the statement of Solomon Spalding's widow in its issue of May 18th. There the elderly lady is made to say, "Sidney Rigdon, who has figured so largely in the history of the Mormons, was at this time connected with the printing office of Mr. Patterson, as is well known in that region, and as Rigdon himself has frequently stated." (See notes attached to the May 18th article for the probable genesis of this wrongly worded sentence). This muddled allegation gave Rigdon something solid that he could truthfully deny in print, and he responds: "It is only necessary to say, in relation to... Spalding's writings being in the hands of Mr. Patterson, who was in Pittsburg, and who is said to have kept a printing office, and my saying that I was concerned in said office, &c. &c. is the most base of lies... there was no man by the name of Patterson during my residence at Pittsburgh who had a printing office... Mr. Robert Patterson, I was told, had owned a printing office before I lived in that city... This Mr. Patterson, who was a Presbyterian preacher, I had a very slight acquaintance with during my residence in Pittsburgh." Due to the poor editing/reporting of the facts contained in the widow's 1839 statement, Elder Sidney Rigdon was spared the embarrassment of admitting that he was well acquainted with this same Mr. Robert Patterson, Sr.'s ward and employee, J. Harrison Lambdin -- that he and Lambdin had been either friends or friendly acquaintances since the years when Rigdon lived very near Pittsburgh (but not actually within its city limits). Rigdon's relationship with Lambdin was a far more serious matter than his passing acquaintance with that young man's foster father, Rev. Patterson.

Note 3: In 1821-25, when Sidney Rigdon actually lived within the bounds of Pittsburgh, one of his more important religious associates was his fellow Campbellite comrade-in-arms, Elder Walter Scott. In 1839 Scott wrote: "That Rigdon was ever connected with the printing office of Mr. Patterson or that this gentleman ever possessed a printing office in Pittsburgh, is unknown to me, although I lived there, and also know Mr. Patterson very well, who is a bookseller. But Rigdon was a Baptist minister in Pittsburgh, and I knew him to be perfectly known to Mr. Robert Patterson. Why is not Mr. Patterson's testimony adduced in this case [of the widow's testimony]? He is now in Pittsburgh, and can doubtless throw light upon this part of the narrative." While Robert Patterson, Sr. never himself owned or operated a print shop, he did frequently employ the services of his cousin, the Pittsburgh printer, Silas Engles. Engles' printing office was located adjacent to Patterson's publishing office (in his book shop), and so the distinction between the efforts of Patterson the publisher and Engles the printer was always a bit hazy. From 1818-23 Patterson also employed the printing press of his ward and employee, J. Harrison Lambdin to publish his books and pamphlets. Since Lambdin associated with Patterson (as his legal ward), the distinction between the publishing work of Patterson & Lambdin and the printing work Butler & Lambdin (same Lambdin in both firms) was again rather hazy. Still, Sidney Rigdon could truthfully reply that he was not employed by nor connected with Patterson's business operations. In 1841 when Robert Patterson, Sr. was finally asked directly about Sidney Rigdon, he reportedly stated that "Sidney Rigdon was not connected with the office for several years afterwards [that is, after the death of Solomon Spalding in 1816]." In other words, after the break-up of the Patterson-Lambdin publishing business, in 1823, Rigdon evidently had some connection with Lambdin's portion of the remaining business ("the office," as Patterson calls it), but Rigdon did not have any direct connection with Patterson's portion of the remaining business (which Rigdon rightly identifies as "an agency, in the book and stationery business"). Probably the "connection" here implied was based upon Rigdon's work as a tanner and currier in Pittsburgh in 1824-25, and of his supplying leather book-bindings to printers and book-binders (such as Silas Engles and J. H. Lambdin).

Note 4: Had Elder Sidney Rigdon simply written a letter saying that he never obtained possession of any of the late Solomon Spalding's writings, and never edited or enlarged such writings for his own purposes, his 1839 denial might have carried a far greater impact upon non-Mormon readers. As it was, only the LDS press made any significant use of this half-denial in the months and years that followed. It was briefly mentioned in the Alton Telegraph of June 15, 1839 and even more briefly alluded to in the Cincinnati Western Messenger of Aug., 1840; beyond that, LDS refutations of Rigdon's role in fabricating the Book of Mormon out of Spalding's old pseudo-history were generally ignored by the Gentile papers of that era. Mormon claims, saying that Rigdon's rebuttal letter was published in the Boston Journal during 1839 are without any foundation in fact.

Note 5: Coincidentally, the article by Spalding's widow appeared in the Whig on the very day that the Mormons had begun a publicity campaign to garner local sympathy and support, through a series of articles written by Lyman Wight (who had previously expressed Whig sympathies delightful to that paper's editors in a letter printed by them just the week before). The intended effects of Wight's three-part "Missouri-ism" series, and Eliza Snow's winning poetry were immediately endangered by the appearance of the article by Spalding's widow in that same May 18th issue. Sidney Rigdon, emboldened by his recent nine weeks of solitary rule over the Saints -- and enraged by the widow's article disrupting the ongoing Wight-Snow efforts to bring the Saints a new respectability -- lashed out at his perceived "enemies" by writing his obviously hastily-written reply, replete with much embarrassing language and many crude remarks. The letter relies upon previously successful Mormon strategy in combating the claims of their enemy, D.P. Hurlbut. But those earlier efforts had been conducted in Joseph Smith's Elders' Journal of August 1838, and not in the Gentile popular press. While Smith and Rigdon may have cooperated in drafting the claims against Hurlbut published in their own magazine in 1838, it is possible that Rigdon fired off his rehash of that same rebuttal to the Whig on May 27, 1839 without even bothering to consult Smith. Rigdon's boorish missive approached the limits of printability in 1839 and the fact that Bartlett and Sullivan chose to print it perhaps reflects their anxiousness to win the Mormons over to the Whig cause in Illinois. Rigdon's letter was not intended for national distribution; it was meant for a local readership comprised mostly of Mormons, potential converts, and those Adams Co. Gentiles who were still caring for the beleaguered Mormons at that time. His intended follow-up letter, addressed to the Whig, was never-printed, perhaps because the editors were by then wary of his verbal combativeness and rhetorical crudities.

Note 6: When Rigdon finally made his journey East (accompanied by Joseph Smith) he brought along a copy of the his letter, clipped from the front page of the May 18, 1839 Whig. On Jan. 13, 1840 a local LDS conference was held in Philadelphia, hosted by that city's mission president, the "young and hopeful" Benjamin Winchester. A decision was made at about that time for the Mormon Church to print and distribute some new pamphlets refuting the Spalding authorship claims. Remarkably, Rigdon's letter from the Quincy Whig was not included in the anti-Spalding claims pamphlet printed in Philadelphia by Benjamin Winchester in 1840. Instead, a copy of the 1839 Rigdon letter was carried across the ocean by another of the Philadelphia conference attendees, Parley P. Pratt. This copy was reprinted in British Mormon tracts issued by Parley P. Pratt in 1840 and by John E. Page in 1843.

Note 7: Several later works quoting or mentioning this Rigdon letter cite it as having been published in a June 1839 issue of the Boston Journal. This misleading citation originated in Charles Mackay's 1851 book The Mormons, or Latter-day Saints, (also credited to Henry Mayhew). The citation error was picked up and reprinted in Samuel M. S[ch]mucker's 1856 book (expanding Mackay's work for US re-publication) The Religious, Social, and Political History of the Mormons... (where the Rigdon letter appears on pp. 45-48). The now-popular allegation of Fawn M. Brodie -- that the Rigdon letter was published in "the Boston Recorder on May 27, 1839" (in "Appendix B" of her 1945No Man Knows My History) -- is both a misleading statement and an erroneous citation. As Brodie cites a "Quincy Illinois Whig article" from five months after the Rigdon letter (in her footnote to the very next paragraph following her deceptive Boston Recorder Rigdon citation) it appears that she was aware of the Whig articles of 1839 and it is even possible that Fawn M. Brodie suppressed mention of the Rigdon letter in its original provenance. By doing this, she made it appear that Rigdon had publicly refuted the Spalding claims in June of 1839 unchallenged, by publishing a scorching rebuttal of Spalding's widow in a Boston newspaper within a few weeks following the appearance of the widow's "letter" in that same city's newspapers. Thus, Brodie disingenuously implies that Rigdon's refutation was obviously seen (but never responded to) by Spalding's disarmed widow and her eastern associates.


Bartlett & Sullivan.]         Quincy, Illinois, Sat., June 15, 1839.         [Vol. 2 - No. 7.


(under construction)


Notes: (forthcoming)


Bartlett & Sullivan.]         Quincy, Illinois, Sat., June 22, 1839.         [Vol. 2 - No. 8.


(under construction)


(under construction)


Note: The Quincy Whig's June 22, 1839 response to Sidney Rigdon's denial of the "Spalding authorship claims" was no doubt a fascinating piece of journalism. However, no copy of the text is known to have survived. Should this issue of the Quincy paper (or a reprint in some other newspaper) ever be located, the content will eventually be posted here.


Bartlett & Sullivan.]         Quincy, Illinois, Sat., June 29, 1839.         [Vol. 2 - No. 9.


                                FOR THE QUINCY WHIG.

My first view of a Western Prairie.
               BY MISS ELIZA K. SNOW.

The loveliness of Nature, always did
Delight me.
      In the days of childhood; when
My young light heart, in all the bouyancy
Of its own bright imagination's spell,
Beat in accordant consonance to all
For which it cherished an affinity;
The summer glory of the landscape, rous'd
Within my breast a princely feeling.   Time's
Obliterating glances cannot erase,
The impulse with my being interwove;
And oftentimes, in the find ecstacy
Of youth's effervescence, I've gaz'd
Upon the richly varigated fields;
Which most emphatically spoke the praise
Of Nature, and the cultivator's skill,

      But when I heard the western traveller paint
The splendid beauties of the far-off West;
Where Nature's pastures, rich and amply broad,
Waving in full abundance, seem to mock
The deepest schemes and boldest efforts of
The cultivators of the eastern soil;
I grew incredulous that Nature's dress
Should be so rich, and so domestic, and
So beautiful, without a touch of Art;
And thought the picture fancifully wrought.

      Yet, in the process of reviving scenes,
I left the place of childhood and of youth;
And as I journey'd t'ward the setting sun,
As if awakening from a nightly dream,
Into a scenery grand and strangely new,
I almost thought myself transported back
Upon the retrograding wheel of time;
To days, and scenes, when Greece presided o'er
The destinies of earth; and when she shone
Like her ador'd Apollo, without one
Tall rival in the field of Literature;
And fancied then, that I was standing on
That towering mount of truly classic fame,
That overlooks the rich, the fertile, and
The far-extended vales of Crissa; Or,
That in some wild poetic spell, of deep
Unconscious recklessness, I'd stray'd afar
Upon the flowing plains of Marathon

      But soon reflection's potent wand dispel'd
The false illusion, and I realiz'd
That I was not inhaling foreign air;
Nor moving in a scene emblazon'd with
The classic legends of antiquity;
O no; the scenery around was not
Enchantment: 'Twas the bright original,
Of those fair images and ideal forms,
Which fancy's pencil is so prompt to sketch,
Instead of treading on Ionian fields;
I stood upon Columbian soil; an in
The rich and fertile State of Illinois,
Amaz'd I view'd until my optic nerve
Grew dull and giddy with the phrenzy of
The innocent delight; and I exclaim'd
With Sheba's queen, 'one half had not been told.'

      But then my thoughts --
    can I describe them now?
No; for description's ablest pow'rs grow lame,
Whenever put upon the chase of things
Of non-existence; and my thoughts had all,
Like liquid matter, melted down; and had
Become, as with a secret touch absorb'd,
In the one all-engrossing feeling of
Deep admiration, vivid and intense,
And my imagination too, for once,
Acknowledged its own imbecility,
And cower'd down, as if to hide away;
For all its pow'rs had been too cold and dull,
Too tame, and too domestic far, to draw
A parallel, with the bold grandeur, and
The native beauty of this "Western World."

June 13, 1839.            

Messrs. Editors:
I saw in your last number an article signed S. Rigdon, which appears so destitute of candor, of courtesy, and decorum, that I confess my surprise at its appearance. But since it has appeared, having a personal knowledge of some of the matters to which he adverts, I deem it proper to reply, and inform the reader how far such an incoherent subterfuge can be palmed upon this community. For this purpose I ask for a place in your paper.

From the only construction I can put upon his writing, it seems that all who are opposed to Mormonism are "liars," and their sayings "lies." He has certainly mistaken the character of the western people, if he supposes he can force such a thing upon them for truth, merely by the repetition of his favorite phrase  liars and lies. Suckers can swallow almost any digestable matter, but they never can swallow this, especially when they have opened their doors, replenished their tables, and welcomed the needy Mormons to the comforts of life. What, all are liars! merely because they cannot believe the absurdities of this new ism. Almost every person who comes under his notice is a desperado -- no respect to either sex of whatever age, neither of the dead [nor] the living. Such is the production of one of the head men of that sect who have cryed so loud for our pi[e]ty and our hospitality. -- However, we have only to refer to the article in order to see the often told maxim verified -- thief cries thief in the chase.

I am told that Rigdon claims to have a mission direct from God, with special powers to preach special and new revelations, for the special purpose of bringing mankind to imbibe the meek and placid doctrines of the gospel, and to usher in the millenium. These powers they identify with those that were bestowed on the prophets and the apostles. Placing himself high above the clergy of all other sects in point of sanctity. Now, I ask the candid reader to compare the logic, the sentiment, and the spirit of the article with that of the gospel and he will find that it gives the [lie] to Rigdon's pretence to a preacher of righteousness. Moreover, it evinces the strongest presumptive evidence that he is guilty of the crime with which he is charged. In addition to the presumptive evidence, we have proof of the positive kind, showing that he is void of moral honesty. With all of his precaution to keep back the date of his residence at Pittsburgh, he does not reach the end of his introductory paragraph, before he betrays himself and tells a palpable falsehood, which is manifest to every reader.

He says "for if her testimony is to be credited, her pious husband in his life time, wrote a bundle of lies for the righteous purpose of getting money." Now hear "her testimony"   his "sole object in writing this historical romance was to amuse himself and his neighbors." Gentlemen, what does such a perversion of the truth show? Does it show him to be dishonest? Does it show that he lied about her testimony? Most assuredly. Yes, Rigdon lied . -- What a Saint!

Can Rigdon tell when and from what Methodist society, Hulburt was "excluded for immoralities"; when and who has called him an "eminent physician"; when, where, and to whom was he married? If he can answer these questions, perhaps we may think different about his vulgar story of the old deacon and the five dollar bank note.  More anon.
Respectfully,             W. PATTEN.

T H E   W H I G.
(Editorial Notices)

==> This week must end all controversy in regard to the Mormons or their religion. We cannot after this paper publish any communication referring to their difficulties, or respecting their leading men. The reason is plain; all the facts in the case are now pretty generally understood by the community, and the course the controversy has taken of late, is such an one as we strongly object to. It is better to let the matter rest as it is. Public opinion on this side of the river, has been decisive in their favor, and further discussion in the paper can be of but little benefit to either side, while it will take up more of our time and room than we have to bestow for such purposes.

Note: Unfortunately W. Patten's further comments upon the career of Sidney Rigdon have not survived the ravages of history. He perhaps knew how close Sidney Rigdon lived to Pittsburgh for most of his early life -- within walking distance, to and fro, in the course of a summer's afternoon. Mormon writers have often taken some pains to obscure this fact, and emphasize the assertion that Rigdon did not live in Pittsburgh until his employment there as a Baptist pastor in 1821. This is rather like saying that a certain Utah citizen could never have frequented Salt Lake City, because all through his youth his legal residence was in North Salt Lake. In fact, Rigdon lived close enough to Pittsburgh to receive his mail at that town's post office, years before he moved within its city limits. As his brother, Carvil Rigdon, and his in-law, Peter Boyer, affirmed in 1843, Sidney Rigdon "returned to Pittsburgh in the winter of 1821." Indeed he did! After living within walking distance of that town for all of his boyhood, he was away for a short period as a young man, and then returned in 1821, remaining in that place until 1825. To again use an analogy, this is like saying that Mr. Orson Snow grew up in North Salt Lake, went away on a two year employment out of state, and then returned to Salt Lake City thereafter. The fact that North Salt Lake is adjacent to Salt Lake City make the wording appropriate, even if Mr. Snow did not take up actual residence in the city until after his coming back to Utah.


Bartlett & Sullivan.]         Quincy, Illinois, Sat., July 6, 1839.         [Vol. 2 - No. 10.


MR RIGDON. has sent us a communication intended as a reply to the queries propounded by a correspondent two weeks since, over the signature of "Justice." -- Mr. Rigdon objects to the queries on the ground that they are anonymous, and calls upon us to publish the real name of the author. We have no authority for so doing -- but if Mr. R. wishes the name of the author for any particular purpose, we are authorized to let him have it. Mr. Rigdon will perceive from a little reflection, that it could answer no good purpose by publishing his communication -- it would of necessity, call forth a rejoinder of a still more uncourteous character, and eventually and in a most angry personal [controversy]. We consider it best, therefore, to reiterate our determination of last week, to close the door upon this controversy.

Notes: (forthcoming)


Bartlett & Sullivan.]         Quincy, Illinois, Sat., July 20, 1839.         [Vol. 2 - No. 12.


We can have no controversy with Capt. David Crow, however much he may wish it.... The Captain is offended, we suppose, because we do not readily admit his crude absurdities into our columns; for we know of no other reason that he has for assailing the Whig....

We are not an ultra-abolitionist -- the Captain is, and thinks our paper should be made the mere echo of his sentiments on that question. We differ with him materially, and whether he cry or smile because such is the case, it matters little. If he does not like the course pursued by the Whig, he can discontinue it without all this parade -- we never asked him or any other man to patronize it, unless he felt perfectly willing to do so. We did not take charge of it for the purpose of pulling our party [the Whigs] to pieces, but to build it up, and although we wish for the confidence of every one of our patrons, we have no disposition to commit political suicide to secure the good will of a few...

In regard to the charges insinuated by the Captain in his Argus communications, we most plainly and unequivocally pronounce them slanders and calumnies, in every part and particular; and we think he must have known them to be such when he put them on paper. We did think, and still think, the Captain to the contrary nevertheless, that our friends will believe us when we say, that our course in regard to the Mormons, was the offspring of a desire to do our duty, and nothing selfish entered into our deliberations in pursuing it. We have endeavored to do justice to Mr. Rigdon, as well as those who had made charges against him; and in closing our columns to all future controversy, we supposed we were fulfilling a duty to the public and the paper; and we did not think it at all necessary to acquaint Capt. Crow personally, with our reasons for so doing.

As we said before, we presume it is more than likely, that the cause for the Captain's wrath, may be found in the fact that we suppressed a communication which he sent us... we hope, however that the matter will end here; if he compels us to notice him again, he will impose upon us a disagreeable duty, but one that shall be fulfilled at every hazard.

The Mormon prisoners escaped. -- The Columbia Patriot of the 6th says, that Parley P. Pratt, Morris. Phelps and King Follet, three of them Mormon prisoners, escaped from the jail of this county on the evening of the 4th inst. The Deputy Sheriff, however, retook the last and brought him back to confinement. Pursuit is still made after the other two. Another, Lyman Gibbs, chose to remain, although he might easily have gotten out.

Notes: (forthcoming)


Bartlett & Sullivan]         Quincy, Illinois, Sat., August 24, 1839.         [Vol. 2 - No. 17.


            For the Quincy Whig.

Deaf was my ear -- my heart was cold.
       My feelings could not move;
For all thy vows, so gently told --
       Thy sympathies of love

But when I saw thee wipe the tear
       From sorrow's fading eye;
And stoop the friendless heart to cheer;
       And still the rising sigh:

And when I saw thee turn away,
       From folly's glitt'ring crown,
To deck thee with the pearls that lay
       On wisdom's fallow ground:

And when I saw thy soul refuse
       The flatt'ring baits of vice;
And with undaunted courage choose
       Fair virtue's golden prize:

And when I saw thy towering soul,
       Rise on devotion's wings;
And saw amid thy pulses roll
       A scorn of little things:

I lov'd thee then, for virtue's sake,
       And 'twas no crime to part
With all that wealth bestows to make
       The purchase of thy heart,

              E. K. Snow.

Notes: (forthcoming)


Bartlett & Sullivan.]         Quincy, Illinois, Sat., August 31, 1839.         [Vol. 2 - No. 18.


              For the Quincy Whig.
"Many are the afflictions of the righteous; but
the Lord delivereth him out of them all."
           Hebrew Psalmist

Hast thou ever felt oppression,
       Bearing down with heavy hand?
Or the finger of expulsion
       Pushing from thy fav'rite land?

When the laws, that would befriend thee
       Were laid prostrate in thy sight;
And the powers that should defend thee,
       Trampled on thy dearest right?

Hast thou ever been a stranger?
       Has thy lot been ever thrown,
Far from home, a hapless ranger,
       Both unknowing and unknown?

When no kindly voice could cheer thee,
       With the music of thy home?
When the breezes flutt'ring near thee
       Whisper'd, stranger; thou must roam?

When in spite of all the gladness
       Then couldst share in others' weal;
Clouds of gloom and mists of sadness
       Would across thy bosom steal?

Yet, withall, in sweet submission,
       Couldst thou yield to banishment?
And in every new condition
       "Learn therewith to be content?"

When thy earthly hopes were riven;
       Couldst thou meekly bowing down;
Still adore the God of Heaven,
       Saying, "let thy will be done?"

              E. K. Snow.


THE partnership heretofore existing between the undersigned in the publication of the Quincy Whig, under the style of BARTLETT & SULLIVAN, is this day dissolved by mutual consent. The paper will be continued, and the business of the office generally, attended to by S. M. Bartlett, with whom all debts due the concern must be settled as soon as possible after this date.
                      S. M. BARTLETT,
                      H. V. SULLIVAN.
     Quincy August 26th, 1839.

Notes: (forthcoming)


By S. M. Bartlett.]         Quincy, Illinois, Sat., Sept. 7, 1839.         [Vol. 2 - No. 19.


==> We stated last week the number of interments in the Quincy burying ground, since January last; but, as we made no explanation, showing the number which belonged to the town and which to the country, it might appear that the mortality this year was far greater than that of last year. Subsequent information enable us to make the necessary explanation. When it is recollected, that our town received early in the Spring, a large accession of Mormon population from Missouri, many of whom were in a state of sickness and suffering, and among whom death was exceedingly busy, it is not at all surprising that the number of deaths this season should exceed that of the last. Neither does it argue against the general health of our town; the large proportion of the deaths have been among the transient population, who in many instances must have brought the seeds of disease with them from over the river. There has been, so far as we can learn, but little more sickness than usual among permanent residents, and we would advise strangers to put little faith in the stories which are afloat relative to the health of the town.

Since the 1st of January last, there has been 48 interments in the burying ground from deaths in town; of which number 9 were adults. During the same length of time, there has been 23 interments from deaths in the country. Of this whole number 40 were Mormons.

F. G. WILLIAMS -- Indian and German

WHO distinguishes disease by an examination of the urine. Office on Hampshire street, opposite the American Tavern.

Dr. W. would notify the citizens of this county, and the public at large, that he has located himself in the town of Quincy, Ill., and is now prepared to attend to all who may favor him with their patronage, by practising on the Indian and German system of distinguishing disease...

Notes: (forthcoming)


By S. M. Bartlett.]         Quincy, Illinois, Sat., Sept. 28, 1839.         [Vol. 2 - No. 22.


At a public meeting of Whigs, held at the court house in Carthage, Hancock, co. on Tuesday, 24th inst. for the purpose of appointing delegates to attend the Whig State Convention to be held at Springfield, on the first Monday of October next, -- ... Benj. F. Marsh, Wm. Smith and E. F. Chittendon were appointed a committee by the chair to nominate delegates; and this committee nominated Sidney H. Little and Mark Aldrich, delegates to attend...

Notes: (forthcoming)


By S. M. Bartlett.]         Quincy, Illinois, Sat., Nov. 2, 1839.         [Vol. 2 - No. 27.


                      (For the Whig.)
        (BY ELIZA K. SNOW.)

They tell me, life's a sott of dreams --
   I dont believe tis so, but then,
I've mark'd among life's odd extremes
   Two different stamps of dreaming men.

One, dreams of dismal storms ahead,
   And while he hears the tempest beat,
He dreams that woful gins are spread
   On either side t' entrap his feet

He dreams all friendship is pretence --
   That truth has fled the soil below:
His hands are rais'd in self-defence,
   For every man, he thinks a foe

He dreams a cold poverty is nigh,
   With niggard look, and churlish air --
That every pleasure's doomed to fly
   Before the face of honest care.

The other, dreams of blissful scenes --
   Of golden seasons, just as hand --
Of cloudless skies, and sunny beams,
   And flow'ry walks at his command.

He fancies truth has vow'd to him
   That friendship shall his cares beguile:
His pulse beats soft thro' every limb,
   Responsive to each proffer'd smile.

He dreams of plenty, dropping down,
   Or if heav'n's bounteous windows close,
That indigence will laugh around
   With careless joys, and sound repose.

I cannot live, as many do,
   On disembodied misery!
Were I to feed on phantoms too,
   I'd fain a happy dreamer be.

Notes: (forthcoming)


By S. M. Bartlett.]         Quincy, Illinois, Sat., Nov. 9, 1839.         [Vol. 2 - No. 28.


JUST received and for sale, a history of Mormons, containing an accurate account of the late Mormon war. By John Corrill, formerly an elder in the Mormon Church, and late a member of the Legislature of Missouri, from Caldwell County.  Price 25 cts.
    Quincy, Nov. 9.         W. D. SKILLMAN.

Note: John Corrill (1794-aft. 1863) published his A Brief History of the Church of Latter Day Saints in St. Louis in October 1839. The book was only briefly advertised but it was thereafter occasionally mentioned and quoted from in the western newspapers of the period. The book was apparently never reprinted. See the July 25, 1840 issue of the Quincy Argus for another advertisement for Corrill's history.


By S. M. Bartlett.]         Quincy, Illinois, Sat., Nov. 16, 1839.         [Vol. 2 - No. 29.


                 For the Quincy Whig.       
      TO L  *  *  *  *  *

O yes, adieu; since duty calls away,
Why should I wish? I will not urge thy stay;
In weal or wo, whatever be thy lot
Amid life's varying scenes, forget me not.

Like purling streams, the fleety moments roll'd,
Or like the music of a dream untold;
Yet deep on mem'ry's mirror lie imprest
Those blissful seasons which your presence blest.

When thou shalt move beneath a distant sky,
And length'ning distance between us lie,
Say, wilt thou? no; thou never can forget,
The time we parted, and the time we met.

Like the small wave, on ocean's bosom toss'd.
'Till mingling deep with deep its form is lost;
So pale-fac'd mem'ry in oblivion falls,
And the frail friendship, of the world dissolves.

Not so with ours; our interests meet on high;
Of course our friendship is not born to die;
But when heavn's trumpet sounds the knell of time
'Twill yet survive, and in a happier clime.

The sweet consoling thought that allays my grief,
And to my lonely bosom breathes relief;
While I would fain, the lingering hours propel
Which speak thy absence, and thy last farewell.


Toll not the bell of death for me
       When I am dead: --
Strew not the flowery wreath o'er me,
       On my cold bed.
Let friendship's sacred tear
On my fresh grave appear,
Gemming with pearls my bier,
       When I am dead.
No dazzling proud array
Of pageantry display
       My fate to spread.

Let not the busy crowd be near,
       When I am dead: --
Fanning with unfelt sighs my bier, --
       Sighs quickly sped.
Let deep impressions rest
On some fond faithful breast --
Then were my memory blest
       When I am dead.
Let not the day be writ --
Love will remember it,
       Untold, unsaid.


(Published by request.)                     


The Petition of Lyman Wight most humbly sheweth, That petitioner removed from the State of Ohio, to the State of Missouri, in the year 1832; where I hoped to live in peace, but after toiling and undergoing all the hardships of a new country for two years, and suffering many privations of the comforts of life, I was assailed by a lawless mob, and was driven from my house in Jackson county, to Clay county: my crops and all other property I possessed were taken from me, except a small part of household furniture; I stayed in Clay county for upwards of two years, when I was again assailed by a mob, who said I must deny my sentiments of religion or move from that county; rather than deny my religion or be put to death, I disposed of my property at a low rate, and removed my family to Daviess county, located on Grand River, made an improvement, gained to myself a pre-emption right, on which a small town was laid off; it was then worth to me at least ten thousand dollars; but in the month of September last, I was ordered to leave my possessions again, and this by a mob which was got up by Sashel Wood (a preacher) and Doctor Cravin, (who have since entered my land) without any other consideration than to get me chained up in prison, and drive my family from the State, without food and raiment to make them comfortable: then kept me in prison for six months until they succeeded in driving every man, woman and child, (who professed the same religion that I do) out of the State, except those whom they murdered in the State, although they have never been able to substantiate the first accusation against me; yet my sufferings for seven years have been more severe than tongue can tell or pen write; I have seen in this the worst of all persecutions, men fall victims of death, who were peaceably at work at home, and innocent of any crime. I have seen women and children in Jackson county in that month of November, crossing the burnt prairie, when you could have traced them by the blood that flowed from their lacerated feet; many of them being destitute of shoes; the men either killed or driven off. When we were driven from the State by the order of Governor Boggs; I cannot compare it to any thing with which it will so well agree, as with the savages of our land. Fifteen thousand men were called for by this Governor Boggs, with special orders to exterminate about eight hundred men with their wives and children, or drive them from the State: from this order they took the liberty of shooting down horses, cattle, sheep, and hogs, and knocking out the brains of men, women and children; thus mingling their blood with that of the beasts of the field, and strewing their bodies upon the vast plains together, alike food for ravens and the fowls of Heaven; many were left without a burial; their friends being unlawfully imprisoned by this class of beings who were worse than demons, all who escaped alive are mostly in the State of Illinois, where they are treated with that humanity that is due from man to his fellow man. But I humbly submit, what can they do with some five or six thousand inhabitants who in the first place travelled from five to ten hundred miles, and paid out money for lands, and then instead of enjoying their property and labor, were driven from place to place, and last of all forced out of the State -- their lands taken from them; their goods taken from them or destroyed, and their horses, cattle, sheep and hogs left upon the plains... [text damaged in original] ... one example of their treatment in receiving and forwarding our goods by water, which may answer for the whole: a man by the name of E. M. Green, sent a box of goods to be landed at Richmond landing store house, kept by Pomeroy and Harwood, and worked his passage through for himself and his wife; but was driven back to Illinois by this gang of ruffians; his box was then sent back to Illinois, (as he supposed containing his goods) the freight amounted to fifty dollars; he immediately hired the money and agreed to work it out by the month. Eager now to grasp his all, he opened the box, but instead of his goods found it filled up with old shoes, rocks, &c. and he left to work by the month to pay the debt; in fine, it was not considered, (even by Gov. Boggs himself) a crime to plunder and steal from the people called Mormons, and when they would no longer suffer their houses to be either thrown down or burnt over their heads, he, Boggs, issued his exterminating order, and between five and six thousand men, women and children were stript of their effects, and then driven at the point of the bayonet out of the State, in the dead of winter, and in consequence of having to lay on the ground upon water, ice, and snow, several hundreds have died.

Honorable Sir, my father was a revolutionary soldier, but such was not the liberty he gained for me and my posterity. I do not ask of you to restore my friends that are dead -- my horses that have been stolen, or my household furniture that has been broken in pieces, and carried off -- for it would be unreasonable. I further state that notwithstanding I volunteered to defend my country in the last war, and fought manfully at the battle of Sackett's Harbor, yet I cannot step my foot in the State of Missouri without denying my religion, Governor Boggs having encouraged the mob that it is right to kill people of my profession. I do not feel satisfied to live in such bondage in what is called a free government, and am desirous you should understand that the State of Missouri is governed by what people call democracy; but if this is democracy, I think the law of democracy has disguised herself under a cloak of oligarchy or monarchy. I humbly submit if such proceedings as those are tolerated, America cannot long boast of liberty, and her sons and fair daughters enjoy the privileges for which our forefathers have bled: for the blood of our fathers cry from the ground for vengeance on those rebels who are worse than Cain. I trust that if your Honor hear me not on my own behalf, that you will listen to the cries of the many widows and fatherless children, whose husbands and fathers have been inhumanely butchered, and they robbed of their wearing apparel, and then turned out in the midst of winter, and driven before a lawless mob, in gangs like cattle to the slaughter. This stain cannot be wiped from the character of Governor Boggs, neither from the pages of history, but will ever remain like the spots on the sun, and will sink the character of those who uphold it into darkness and bring down the hoary frost upon their heads which will sting them to their hearts, even in the summer heat of their glory, and their boasted democracy will fade like the beautiful flower on the frosty morning.

Petitioner believes that there is much virtue still left in the Government of the U. States, therefore humbly appeals to your Honor as the presiding officer of the United States, and Father or Guardian of the great Republic, and prays --

That you will correct these miscreants and chastise them with a proper rod, and let them experience, that the character of the State of Missouri shall be preserved --

That I may be restored to the rights and privileges which were guaranteed to me by the blood of our forefathers, and by the Great God who deals with all men according to their crimes.

And that petitioner be restored to his lands, and his other property restored to him, or compensation for the same, and the case between the petitioner and the State of Missouri fairly tried, and those who have murdered his friends, be dealt with according to law. And petitioner as duty bound.
Will ever pray.
        LYMAN WIGHT.
Quincy, Ills., Oct. 30, 1839.

( By Request. )


It will be recollected that a few months since an article appeared in several of the papers, purporting to give an account of the origin of the Book of Mormon. How far the writer of that piece has effected his purposes or what his purposes were in pursuing the course he has, I shall not attempt to say at this time, but shall call upon every candid man to judge in this matter for himself, and shall content myself by presenting before the public the other side of the question in the form of a letter, as follows:

Copy of a letter written by Mr. John Haven of Holliston, Middlesex county, Massachusetts, to his daughter, Elizabeth Haven, of Quincy, Adams co., Ill.

Your brother Jesse passed through Monson, where he saw Mrs. Davidson, and her daughter, Mrs. McKinestry, and also Dr. Ely, and spent several hours with them, during which time he asked them the following questions, viz:

Did you, Mrs. Davidson, write a letter to John Storrs, giving an account of the origin of the Book of Mormon? Answer: I did not.  Ques. Did you sign your name to it? Ans: I did not, neither did I ever see the letter until I saw it in the Boston Recorder, the letter was never brought to me to sign.  Ques. What agency had you in having this letter sent to Mr. Storrs? Ans: D. R. Austin came to my house and asked me some questions, took some minutes on paper, and from these minutes wrote that letter.  Ques. Is what is written in the letter true? Ans: In the main it is.  Ques. Have you read the Book of Mormon? Ans: I have read some in it.  Ques. Does Mr. Spaulding's manuscript, and the Book of Mormon agree? I think some few of the names are alike.  Ques. Does the manuscript describe an idolatrous or a Religious people? Ans: An Idolatrous people.  Ques. Where is the manuscript. Ans: Dr. P. Hurlburt came here and took it, said he would get it printed, and let me have one half the profits.  Ques. Has Dr. P. Hurlburt got the manuscript printed? Ans: I received a letter stating it did not read as they expected, and they should not print it.  Ques. How large is Mr. Spaulding's manuscript? Ans: about one third as large as the Book of Mormon.  Ques. To Mrs. McKenestry, how old was you when your father wrote the manuscript? Ans: About five years of age.  Ques. Did you ever read the manuscript? Ans: When I was about twelve years old, I used to read it for diversion.  Ques. Did the manuscript describe an Idolatrous or a Religious people. Ans: An Idolatrous people.  Ques. Does the manuscript and the Book of Mormon agree? Ans: I think some of the names agree.  Ques. Are you certain that some of the names agree? Ans: I am not.  Ques. Have you ever read any in the Book of Mormon? Ans: I have not.  Ques. Was your name attached to that letter which was sent to Mr. John Storrs by your order? Ans: No, I never meant that my name should be there.

You see by the above Questions and answers, that Mr. Austin, in his great zeal to destroy the Latter Day Saints, has asked Mrs. Davidson a few questions, then wrote a letter to Mr. Storrs in his own language. I do not say that the above Questions and Answers were given in the form that I have written them, but these questions were asked, and these answers given. Mrs. Davidson is about seventy years of age, and somewhat broke.   This may certify that I am personally acquainted with Mr. Haven, his Son and Daughter, and am satisfied they are persons of truth. I have also read Mr. Haven's letter to his Daughter, which has induced me to copy it for publication, and I further say, the above is a correct copy of Mr. Havens letter.

                ALEXANDER  BADLAM.

Note 1: It is likely that Elder Alexander Badlam (later a prominent member of Joseph Smith's secret Council of Fifty, etc.) was able to place the above letter in the columns of the Quincy Whig through the friendly offices of Elder Ebenezer Robinson, then an employee at the newspaper. The Mormon leaders resorted to some well-planned slight of hand, in order to put Elder Jesse Haven's carefully edited report before the eyes of their followers in Illinois -- coming seemingly from the "disinterested" columns of a non-Mormon paper. Elder Haven evidently did not divulge his LDS identity to Spalding's widow when he
interviewed her -- though the widow's family subsequently suspected that he was acting as an agent for Brigham Young (a probable verity, since Haven was Young's first cousin and then a missionary operating under the direction of Brigham's Council of the Twelve). The Haven interview probably reached the attention very few readers other than the Mormons of western Illinois. Its only known reprint in a contemporary Gentile publication was in the Aug. 1840 issue of the Cincinnati Western Messenger. See the on-line essay entitled, "Transcriber's Comments on R. & R. Brown," for further details regarding the little known 1839 "Haven affair."

Note 2: John Haven (1794-1853) of Holliston, MA was baptized a Mormon (probably in Holliston) in 1838. He later moved to Nauvoo and was ordained a Mormon High Priest. He died in Utah in 1853. Speaking of what must have been the Haven family in his November 27, 1839 letter to the NY New Era Parley P. Pratt says that Rev. John Storrs of Holliston, MA had fabricated the Boston Recorder article credited to Spalding's widow, supposedly "after losing the deacon of his church, and several of its most pious and intelligent members, who left his society to embrace what they considered to be truth." It is very likely that Parley P. Pratt knew John Haven personally, and it is equally likely that Parley P. Pratt instigated Jesse Haven's 1839 interview with Spalding's widow. Pratt and the younger Haven no doubt conferred together while both were staying in New York City during Nov. 1839.

Note 3: Jesse Haven (1814-1905) was baptized a Mormon on April 13, 1838 (probably in Holliston). In March of 1839 he left Springfield, OH in company with Alexander Wright and other LDS companions to serve an LDS mission in Scotland. He and his missionary companions arrived in New York City in about Sept., 1839. Jesse departed New York City for England on Nov. 6, 1839. Prior to his sailing for England, Jesse conducted an interview with Matilda Spalding Davidson and her daughter, Matilda Spalding McKinstry, at Monson, MA. Although the exact date of this interview is unknown, it probably occurred in Sept. or Oct. of 1839. Having finished the interview, Jesse appears to have next visited his father, John Haven, in Holliston, MA, leaving with him the notes he had taken during the interview. John Haven in turn must have mailed the contents to Alexander Badlam (1808-1894) in Commerce (Nauvoo), IL toward the end of Oct. 1839. Badlam (sometimes splled "Badham") was a nephew of Samuel Brannon and a member of the 1834 Zion's Camp march to MO. He was residing in Nauvoo as early as 1841, and probably was already living there in Nov. 1839.

Note 4: Elizabeth Haven (1811-1892) was baptized a Mormon in October of 1836. She married Israel Barlow, at Quincy, Adams co., IL on Feb. 23, 1840, and had children by him in Nauvoo. One of these, Israel, Jr., was the infant mentioned by Elizabeth's cousin, Charlotte Haven, in her 1843 Letters from Nauvoo. Charlotte Haven's letters confirm that Elizabeth and her family were devout Mormons in Nauvoo. Thus, it was not by pure happenstance that the Quincy Whig published the Jesse Haven interview with Spalding's widow. Its publication in Quincy came as the result of a carefully implemented Mormon stratagem to counter the effects generated in Adams and Hancock counties, IL by the Whig's May 18, 1839 printing of Mrs. Davidson's Boston Recorder statement.


By S. M. Bartlett.]         Quincy, Illinois, Sat., Dec. 28, 1839.         [Vol. 2 - No. 35.


                For the Quincy Whig.
     BY MISS E. K. SNOW.

O, tell me not of case or fame,
Or all that mammon's vot'ries claim;
I know their passing worth:
But let me hear the speech of home.
Whether a palace, hut or dome;
There's nought so dear on earth

Talk not to me of splendid halls --
Of sumptuous feasts, where folly calls
For fashion's sample fee:
But talk of home's most simple treat,
Where love and pure affection meet
With plain simplicity.

Talk not of princely crowns to me,
Or proud imperial dignity,
Replete with tedious care:
But talk of home's unblazon'd things
Where virtue smiles and wisdom sings
Sweet sonnets -- rich and fair.

O yes, describe that parlour fire,
Where often sat, my aged sire,
And mother by his side;
My brethren full of native glee --
My loving sister, coy, and free
From ostentation's pride.

Such bonny scenes I value high --
Coxcombs and belles, may pass them by
As things of no repute:
Yet 'tis the theme I love to bear --
'Tis sweeter music to my ear
Than Tasso's flaming lute.

Home, charming sound! unknown to fame,
Has more kind feeling in the name,
Than all the studied lore,
That stoic brains have ever thought --
Or stoic genius ever taught
To all the world before.

But still the home; that heav'nly prize.
Which far beyond this scenery lies,
Is the rich boon I crave;
And tho' in exile here I roan;
My heart is fix'd -- I have a home
Secure, beyond the skies.

We have received a number of the new Mormon paper published at Commerce, in this State. It is published monthly at $1.00 a year, by Messrs Smith & Robinson. There appears to be considerabl[e] reading in it, and it is doubtless an interesting paper to the Society. It is denominated, "Times and Seasons."

Notes: (forthcoming)

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