Mormon Classics | Spalding Library | Bookshelf | Newspapers | History Vault
Sidney Rigdon,
The Real Founder of Mormonism
Elder Symonds Ryder (1792-1870)
by:
William H. Whitsitt
BOOK THE FOURTH:
THE MORMON PERIOD: Nov. 8, 1830 -- Sep. 8, 1844
(Part B: Sections III and IV, pp. 665-775)
Contents | Book I | Book II | Book III | Book IV 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 | Book V
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The Baptist church at Nelson had been formed as early as July 30th, 1808. It lived in peace and usefulness until the Disciples appeared, but troubles speedily arose on that score. There is reason to believe that Mr. Rigdon was the chief fomenter of these troubles. They came to a head on the 27th of January 1827, on which date was formed what was known as the Mantua and Hyrum church, that consisted at first of only nine members, and Mr. Rigdon is believed to have been its father and founder. At any rate he was its first preacher, and served the body in that capacity as his occasions would permit until May 24, 1828, before any other officers were set apart. His exertions were successful in the addition of 18 persons to the community during the first year; during the second year they flourished so highly that on the 18th of April 1829, a separate church could be organized at Hiram consisting of thirty-nine members; it is possible that Mr. Rigdon was the presiding spirit on this occasion as upon the former one, which had fallen out on the 27th of January, 1827. When he returned from New York in January 1830, bringing in his train the young prophet, the church at Hiram would naturally turn to their friend and father in God to receive counsel at his lips. The way to the hearts of the Disciple community at Hiram was opened wide to welcome his approaches (Hayden, p. 221). In that part of the country he made an easy conquest of the family of the Snows, who were zealous members of the Disciple community. Oliver Snow was the father of the family; his daughter Eliza R. Snow has reflected credit upon the cause of Sidney in the character of the poetess of Mormonism: She was joined by one of her sisters also (Hayden, p. 240). His son Lorenzo Snow has been among the most prominent and successful laborers in the vineyard of Mormonism, attaining to the dignity of an apostle and assistant counselor to the Presidency of the church (Tullidge, Life of Brigham Young, Supplement, pp. 20-5). Erastus Snow, one of his kinsmen heard in the New England residence whence the family took their origin of the glories of the Millennial church, and in due time came from St. Johnsbury, Vermont, to cast in his fortunes with the movement (Tullidge, as above, pp. 75-6). Zeruobabel Snow, another member of the tribe figured prominently as an Associate Justice of the Territory of Utah (Stenhouse, pp. 275, 278). The Johnson family of Hiram were likewise devoted to the cause of Sidney, and supplied several assiduous promoters of it, among whom may be mentioned the names of the father, John Johnson, and of his sons, Luke and Lyman, both of whom subsequently were raised to the apostolical dignity. Ezra Booth, a prominent and able minister of the Methodist church, who had been long employed upon the Circuit, was also one of the converts at Hiram, and last, but not least, came Symonds Ryder the pastor of the Disciples Church of the town. There was good foundation for the claim that was entertained to the effect that the Millennial church would swallow up all the other churches of the community (Hayden, p. 221). But the check which Joseph and Sidney received in the canoe on the waters of the Missouri River had broken down the faith of Mr. Booth, who was present to witness the casualty. At his return to Ohio on the first of September he went directly to his home at Hiram and began to exert his influence to corrupt the faith of Symonds Ryder. Success shortly crowned this enterprise; Mr. Ryder had been elevated to official position in virtue of a revelation delivered on the 7th of the previous June (D.&C., 52, 37). When his commission came to hand a few days afterward the faith of the young pervert had sustained a shock by reason of the circumstance that his name was spelled wrong in two instances (Hayden, p. 252). Orthography was never one of Joseph's excellencies, and Mr. Ryder's name was rendered Simonds Rider, instead of Symonds Ryder, as he ordinarily wrote it. That the Holy Spirit should commit a blunder about items of detail like this, excited in his mind a suspicion that it was possible for him to trip in respect to larger matters. Mr. Booth dextrously employed this occurrence to draw Mr. Ryder away from the fellowship of Sidney's admirers. The change had not occurred a moment too soon; President B. A. Hinsdale, who resided for a period in Hiram, and had the best of opportunities for becoming acquainted with the facts affirms that "a large number of the citizens of Hiram had given in their adhesion to the doctrines of Smith and Rigdon, but the efforts of Ryder and Booth went far to stay the tide and lead back those who had been swept away on its current" (Hayden, p. 252). The dangerous influence and activity of Booth and Ryder were speedily perceived at Kirtland. Measures were immediately concocted for the purpose of giving them battle on the field which they had chosen. Possibly as the result of a council of war, it was arranged that Joseph should go in person to oppose his splendid tact and ability against their arguments and persuasions. He set forward to accomplish this mission on Monday the 12th of September (Tullidge, Life of Joseph, p. 121). The day before at the meeting of the faithful he had honored the assembly with a parting revelation (D.&C., Sect. 64). After the lapse of a few weeks in which he had found time to establish himself comfortably in the mansion of John Johnson, who it is suspected had been the principal agent in suggesting the present campaign and carrying it into execution, Joseph opened the conflict about the first of October with his salutatory revelation at Hiram (D.&C., Sect. 65). He had all the work that he cared to undertake. Ezra Booth had been induced by one of his former brethren, a presiding elder of the Methodist church, the Rev. Ira Eddy, to put pen to paper and give an account of his experiences among the Mormons. The letters that he composed in a very pleasant English style were being published from week to week in the Ohio Star, a newspaper which is believed to have existed at Hiram or at some town in the immediate vicinity (Howe, p. 175). The effect of these letters must have been very discouraging indeed, especially when Mr. Booth came to supply a relation of the cowardice of Sidney and Joseph in the farce of the canoe scene. Among his printed utterances there is to be found no indication of the fact that Mr. Smith joined issue with Booth, but it would be a marvel if in private he did not resort to the business of blackening the character of his adversary, since he possessed a remarkable capacity for work of that kind. But the prophet's lot was in a measure relieved by a couple of converts who would do very well to take the place of those whom he had lost. Samuel H. Smith and Reynolds Cahoon having been appointed as yoke fellows on the journey to Missouri (D.&C., 52, 30), laid their course by accident through the township of Orange in Cuyahoga county, where they had the luck of turning the silly head of a certain William E. McLellin, who was a clerk in a store at this place (Lucy Smith's Life of Joseph, p. 195). McLellin was a native of Tennessee (Compendium of Doctrines, p. 253), and was considered a valuable acquisition. With the aim of firmly securing him Joseph made a visit to Orange a little over a month after settling in Hiram and had a revelation for the individual advantage of the young man (D.&C., Section 66). He was soon brought to Hiram, for purposes of display, and to render what assistance he might in the struggle that was going forward with Ryder and Booth (Lucy Smith, pp. 201-202). The other convert was the celebrated Orson Hyde. Mr. Hyde was born at Oxford, Connecticut, on the 4th of January 1805, and by consequence was in the 27th year of his age. His earliest religious connection was among the Methodists, but when Sidney came to Kirtland with the ancient gospel for the remission of sins, young Hyde accepted the message and availed himself of the benefits of the baptism (Tullidge, Life of Brigham Young, Supplement, pp. 69-70). His zeal for the new light was every way exemplary; he became a preacher and was honored with the privilege of attending Rigdon on some of his numerous tours in the interests of the Disciples' cause. A glimpse of his evangelistic labors is supplied in the history of Mrs. Warren Smith, of Amherst in Lorraine county, the seat of a Disciple community with which the youthful P. P. Pratt is believed to have been connected, and which speedily was reduced to the complexion of a Mormon community. Mrs. Smith relates: At eighteen years of age I was married to Warren Smith; we had plenty of this world's goods and lived comfortably and happily together, nothing of particular interest transpiring until Sidney Rigdon and Orson Hyde came to our neighborhood preaching Campbellism. I was converted and baptized by Rigdon (Heroines of Mormondom, pp. 86-87). It being a point of extreme concern among the Disciples of that date that the preacher should obtain a livelihood by the labors of his own hands without any charges against the churches for his support, Mr. Hyde had sought employment as a clerk in the merchant shop of Gilbert and Whitney at Kirtland, which had now become an institution of the Millennial church by reason of the perversion of both the partners. Mr. Hyde in due season opened his eyes to behold the clearer "new light" of Mormonism, and was immersed a second time for the remission of his sins on Sunday the 2d of October, 1831 (Tullidge, Life of Joseph, p. 121). Both of these were accessions to boast of, and it was easily possible for the prophet to assert that they supplied very well the loss of Ryder and Booth. But the disclosures made by the latter in the Ohio Star newspaper, still continued to appear, and were exceedingly painful to endure. Joseph, who understood the value and the art of scenic effect, concluded it would be of good uses to try what could be accomplished in that way towards impressing the minds of the townsmen of Hiram. The last Conference had been held at the house of Joshua Lewis in the new settlement of the Colesville Branch, twelve miles west of Independence, on the 4th of August. The time was drawing nigh for the assembling of another Conference, not in Kirtland but preferably in Hiram. It was announced for the first of November, and the brethren came from all quarters to stand about their prophet and make it a distinguished occasion. The Spirit had likewise been called, and was present in tremendous force supplying Mr. Smith with no fewer than five distinct revelations, namely Sections 67, 68, 69, 1, and 133 of Orson Pratt's edition of the Book of Doctrine and Covenants. It seemed as if the heavens had come down to commune with men at Hiram. Beyond any question Joseph was holding his own, if he was not also gaining ground against the attacks of Booth and Ryder. Just at this period when every nerve was strained to the utmost tension, there came to distract his energies an ugly fire from the rear. Mr. Rigdon had been left behind to hold the fort at Kirtland while the prophet went down to contend with the foe at Hiram (Early Scenes in Church History, p. 79). It was as little as could have been expected that he would keep quiet and mind his own affairs. The trouble was occasioned by a passage found in one of Joseph's revelations that was given shortly after the return from Missouri. Mr. Smith was not then bold enough to enter a positive demand that the church should build a house for him to reside in. The command which he had delivered to that effect on the 4th of February 1831, must have excited an amount of unfavorable comment. It is easy to conceive that the single passage "it is meet that my servant Joseph Smith, jun., should have a house built in which to live and translate" (D.&C., 41, 7), might have caused a number of people to stumble. Joseph had thereby learned a lesson in modesty and simplicity. By consequence when he returned from Zion he approached the business in a more gingerly fashion. Following is the exact language in which he thought it prudent to express himself near the close of August, 1831: "Let my servants Joseph Smith, jun., and Sidney Rigdon, seek them a home as they are taught through prayer by the Spirit" (D.&C., 63, 65). Naturally Mr. Rigdon would wrestle with the spirit every day and hour touching that issue. After Joseph went away to Hiram on the 12th of September, he would consider that his chances of obtaining a new house were much improved, but the months of autumn wore slowly away. November had come and not a single beam was yet laid; he went up to the Conference at Hiram in the first of the month in a more or less irascible frame of mind. Returning thence to Kirtland his patience at last came to an end; winter was at the door: his opportunity had passed away; it was clear that the brethren had no clear sense of his dignity and value. He resolved to bring them to terms at once. One Sunday in November when the congregation had assembled, expecting as usual the appearance of Sidney to minister in holy things, he failed to show himself in time. They waited for him; possibly a messenger was dispatched to inform him that he was expected. At length he came forward oppressed by a towering rage. Instead of entering the pulpit, he paced the floor and vented his irascible temper, announcing that "the keys of the kingdom were taken from them, and that they would never have them again until they built him a new house" (Lucy Smith, p. 205). A truly amusing farce must have followed this declaration, in case the testimony of eyewitnesses can be credited. Many of the sisters and a portion of the brethren were thrown into hysterics. Among the former, Mrs. Howe, the excellent wife of E. D. Howe, the earliest and best historian of Mormonism, was especially prominent, and Lucy Smith on more than one occasion mentions the agitation of the good lady. Philo Dibble says that "word went abroad among the people immediately that Sidney was going to expose Mormonism" (Early Scenes in Church History, p. 80). There was much hazard of such a catastrophe. The temper of Mr. Rigdon was highly wayward; if he had become sufficiently enraged it is easily possible that he would have dismissed all considerations, and made a clean breast of the secrets of the plot. But he had some concern for his own reputation, and above all a sharp fear of Joseph. At the earliest moment tidings were carried to Hiram, relating the lofty conduct of Sidney (Lucy Smith, p. 205. Early Scenes, p. 80). Joseph perceived that no common peril was at hand, and showed his usual promptness in dealing with it. Entering Kirtland the excitement was found to be so considerable that the Disciples church in which they were still accustomed to worship, would not contain the crowds that wished to hear him. It was given out that he would address the multitudes in a large barn, which it was believed would supply accommodations for all that might attend (Early Scenes, p. 80). Sidney was not present, but the wife of Apostle Thomas B. Marsh supplied him an account of the proceedings (Early Scenes, p. 80). Joseph rose up to the hight of the occasion, informing his brethren that Sidney had no kind of control over the keys of the kingdom, it was his own exclusive and indefeasible office to hold these, both in this world and the next (Lucy Smith, p. 206). Philo Dibble also reports that he added "I can contend with wicked men and devils-yes with angels. No power can pluck these keys from me, except the power that gave them to me; that power was Peter James and John" (Early Scenes, p. 80). Quiet was restored. Joseph was only halfway angry with Sidney. He sympathised with the demand for a new house, and would have been glad to have one himself. Moreover, he was not displeased that the incident had fallen out to his personal advantage and to the injury of Mr. Rigdon. But he was constrained to treat Rigdon with consideration. He had a secret which it was exceedingly desirable that he should keep inviolate. There would be uncommon embarrassment if the irascible temper of the man were excited to a point where he might surrender all kind of regard for his own good name and for the advantage of the church. Joseph therefore reasoned with his compeer regarding the desire he felt to inhabit a new house. He likely allowed it was a just and proper desire, and that the faithful owed him a debt of that color; but he did not comprehend the necessity of producing a volcano by which everything in sight was placed in jeopardy. The prophet's resources were inexhaustible. At the Hiram Conference it had been resolved that the book of Joseph's revelations should be published from the squalid press which William W. Phelps had come east to carry back to Zion (Tullidge, p. 123). The prophet had even prepared them for publication and laid them before the conference with an additional revelation in which any member of the body was challenged to produce a revelation of his own that should be worthy to compare with the meanest of the collection (D.&C., 67, 1-9), a feat which had been only a few hours previously attempted by McLellin (Mackay, p. 68). An abundant revenue was expected from this venture; Joseph proposed to grant Sidney a full share of it, so that he might be in a situation to build a new house out of his own pocket, without calling upon the liberality of the church. A publishing company was accordingly formed on the spot, consisting of Joseph Smith, jun., Martin Harris, Oliver Cowdery, John Whitmer, Sidney Rigdon and William W. Phelps, who should enjoy the exclusive privilege of fingering the proceeds of the work in question, except it should fall out that these were even more abundant than might be required to meet the necessities of the members of the corporation (D.&C., Section 70). But it was not considered safe to leave Sidney at Kirtland, where his uncontrollable temper might any day produce a fresh explosion. Joseph made arrangements for his removal to Hiram, where it would be possible to have him always under his eye and thumb, as also to supply him with a sufficient amount of labor to amuse his leisure and to keep his head cool (D.&C., Section 71). Mr. Smith proposed to accomplish this laudable purpose by carrying Rigdon with him on various missions in the vicinity of Hiram (D.&C., 71, 1-6); it is also probable that he had a thought of engaging Mr. Rigdon in a public debate with Booth or Ryder (D.&C., 71, 7, 8). But the labor of preaching abroad was irksome to Joseph; it was much more agreeable to his feelings to impose these duties upon other people than to perform them himself. On the 10th of January 1832, he therefore obtained a second revelation in which the enterprise of translating the New Testament was resumed at the point where it had been left off when they departed on the journey to Zion last June (D.&C., Sect.73). Everything went forward smoothly until the session of the next Conference, which befell at Amherst, Lorraine county, on the 25th of January, 1832, where Sidney, Parley and Orson had prepared the way before the Mormons by assiduous labors in behalf of the Disciples (D.&C., Sect. 75). The custom did not prevail in the church of reducing visions to writing. They were often received and freely described, but they were seldom brought to paper. On the 16th of February, however Sidney and Joseph were favored with "A vision" of so much consequence that it was duly set down and promoted to a position among the revelations of the prophet (D.&C., Sect. 76). This "Vision" was devoted to a further development of the Swedenborgian features of Mormonism. While his hand was in that business, Joseph gave his attention to the Book of Revelation. Emanuel Swedenborg was in the custom of supplying "Arcana" regarding various topics of interest to his thoughts, but this Latin title was somewhat above the simplicity of Joseph, and he summarily translated Swedenborg's word into "Keys." Between the 1st and 20th of March 1832, he supplied a collection of these "Keys" for the advantage of students of John's Revelation (D.&C., Sect. 77). A considerable selection of Swedenborgian peculiarities may also be inspected among those "Keys." The saints in Missouri were now beginning to occasion a degree of annoyance, and Joseph felt constrained to turn his attention to their affairs (D.&C., Sect. 78). He even went so far as to plan a visit which he proposed that himself, Sidney Rigdon and Newel K. Whitney should shortly make to Independence (D.&C., 78, 9), for the purpose of correcting the evil tendencies that had come to his notice there. To appearance Joseph was steadily and perhaps rapidly gaining ground against his adversaries Booth and Ryder; by the existing aspect of affairs it would not be many months before Hiram would acknowledge that the prophet was complete master of the situation and of the town as well. Ryder and Booth must have begun to lose heart and hope; it would be indispensable to alter their methods if they expected to get quit of the presence and power of the Mormon church in their community. Mr. Booth had dropped several hints in his series of letters to the Ohio Star newspaper, relating to the clear and unquestionable lack of physical courage on the part of Smith and Rigdon. That suggestion fell upon fruitful soil; it sprang up and came to ripeness on the night of Saturday the 25th of March 1832. At a late hour of the night Joseph and Sidney were surprised, taken from their beds, and treated to a generous dress of tar and feathers. The account which Mr. Smith has left of this transaction is suspected to be full of amusing exaggerations; he was never in the least peril of life or limb (Lucy Smith, pp. 203-204). It was good policy to make the most of anything that bore the semblance of persecution; his fears enlarged the aspect of the few harmless strokes that fell upon him. His body was scarcely bruised and he was able to officiate in the school house where his followers assembled the next day. Mr. Smith accused the Disciples of having a large share in this farce, claiming to have identified in the crowd his old associate Symonds Ryder. One M'Clentic, who he declares was the "son of a Campbellite minister" is also assigned to a leading role; likewise Pelatia Allen Esq., another distinguished member of the Disciples' church, is affirmed to have excited the mob to screw their courage to the sticking place by the present of a barrel of whiskey (Mackay, p. 71). In short Joseph was inclined to lay most of the blame upon the Disciples. Possibly this may have been the real state of the case; just as possibly it may have been nothing better than an expression of the passion and prejudice that had been engendered by several months of sharp rivalry. Whoever was entirely or even largely responsible for this expedient, there can be no question of the fact that it worked very smoothly. Joseph and Sidney were apt to try the virtues of flight whenever the sight of danger appeared even afar off; they were of the type known in later Mormon annals as "pulpit braves"; they were exceedingly chary of ever afterwards risking their precious persons within the precincts of Hiram town. In the course of a letter which he put to paper in February 1868, nearly six and thirty years after the occurrence, Symonds Ryder reports that "some who had been dupes of the deception determined not to let it pass with impunity; and accordingly, a company of citizens was formed from Shalersville, Garrettsville and Hiram, in March 1832, and proceeded to headquarters in the darkness of the night and took Smith and Rigdon from their beds and tarred and feathered them both, and let them go. This had the desired effect, which was to get rid of them. They soon left for Kirtland" (Hayden, p. 221). Ah, Symonds Ryder! That coating of tar and feathers was a confession of defeat and of helpless weakness. If there had been a possibility to put the adversaries to flight by any honest method you would have scorned to have resort to this unworthy measure. The fact that Shalersville and Garrettsville as well as Hiram were seats of Disciple churches, encourages the suspicion that Joseph might have been correct in attributing the outrage that had fallen upon him chiefly to the exertions of members of that communion. If Joseph and Sidney had possessed a sufficient amount of courage to return to Hiram and pose in the character of confessors and martyrs it is likely that no power in existence could have broken the spell which they would have laid upon the town. In that event the history of Hiram might have been sadly altered; it would not have become in 1850 the seat of the Western Reserve Eclectic Institute, and consequently would not have enjoyed the honor of a connection with the name and memory of President Garfield. The rescue was accomplished by means of a coating of tar and feathers; but it was the narrowest possible escape; none but a man in that state of despair which is next of kin to madness would have been willing to risk a venture of this complexion. |
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[756]
Brigham Young was born on the first of June, 1801, in Whittingham, Windham county, Vermont, the ninth in the list of eleven children of a very poor and to appearance shiftless family. His opportunities were such as might be anticipated under these untoward circumstances; he enjoyed only eleven days of school training in his whole lifetime. According to his own statement his parents removed from Vermont when he was about eighteen months of age (Stenhouse, p. 648), which would fix the event about the close of the year 1803. That was their second venture in the state of New York; they had tried it once before without success; their daughter Rhoda was born in Platauva District New York in the year 1789 (Mrs. Waite, The Mormon Prophet And His Harem, Chicago, 1868, p. 12), after which they returned to Middlesex county Massachusetts, from whence they had emigrated. The Youngs appear to have been endowed with a large measure of religious genius of the vulger sort. The parents were attached to the Methodist church (Tullidge, Life of Brigham Young, p. 77), and their children seem to have been decidedly impressible that way. With the possible exception of John Young, the eldest son, all of the boys were likely preachers of one grade or another, before they were perverted to Mormon tenets. John Young was acting in the character of sexton of a Methodist chapel, and from the circumstance that he had the right of granting or declining permission for it to be opened for the accommodation of traveling gospelers it is conceived that he might have been likewise a local Methodist preacher (L. D. Young's Narrative in Fragments of Experience, Salt Lake City, 1882, p. 33). The second son, Joseph Young, was publicly proclaiming the Methodist faith in Canada at the time when Brigham became convinced of the truth of Mormonism in the year 1831 (Lucy Smith, p. 176). Phineas Howe Young was the pastor of a Methodist church, and had enjoyed grace enough to work a miracle of healing in that character (Remy, vol. 1, p. 413). By the "Narrative" of Lorenzo Dow Young it is clear that his own chief business was that of preaching, for a period of several years before the Book of Mormon was issued (Fragments of Experience, p. 31-33). Brigham Young joined the Methodist church in the 22d year of his age, namely in the latter part of the year 1822 or the earlier portion of the year 1823 (Death of President Brigham Young, with a Brief Sketch of his Life and Labors, Salt Lake City, 1877, p. 3). Mr. Ira Bond, a venerable Mormon at Kirtland, who had known him intimately during his Methodist period informed me in the summer of 1883, that Brigham was recognized as a preacher in all that part of the country where his residence was kept. The worthy gentleman was enthusiastic in his reminiscences of Brigham's powers in the business of exhortation, assuring me on more than one occasion that he was "a powerful exhorter." It is likely that he held the position of an "exhorter" in the Methodist church at a time when it was customary to issue licenses for that purpose. The entire force of the male members of the household was available in the service of religion, and most of it could be employed with effect in the pulpit. Moreover one of the sisters -- which one is not known -- had early married Mr. John P. Greene, who is everywhere acknowledged to have been a Methodist preacher (Lucy Smith, p. 161). It is therefore evident that the family had a decided talent for religion. In the latter portion of the year 1803 the Youngs removed for the second time into the state of New York, and by the statement of Brigham Young settled in the township of Sherburne on the northern border of Chenango county (Mrs. Waite, as above, p. 12). Brigham likewise asserts that they settled in the adjoining township of Smyrna (Stenhouse, p. 648). This contradiction, it is believed, can be reconciled by representing that the family settled at first in Sherburne and later removed into Smyrna township. They were situated in the latter place at the birth of Lorenzo Dow Young on the 19th of October 1807 (Fragments, p. 22). They kept their place in Chenango county until the 11th of June 1814, on which date the mother of the family, Nabby Howe Young departed this life (Fragments, p. 23). Shortly afterwards the father "broke up housekeeping" and entered upon the occupation which for a number of years he appears to have followed with more vigor and skill than any other he ever undertook, namely the occupation of hanging upon the skirts of his more fortunate and perhaps more industrious sons-in-law. The first one that he afflicted in that way was Mr. John P. Greene. This gentleman was residing at the moment in Cayuga county; L. D. Young, then a boy of nearly seven years, and perhaps others of the children were sent to Mr. Greene's, while the father and the rest of his tribe followed shortly afterwards. In the winter of 1815-16 the elder Young had taken up some land (Fragments, p. 23). Brigham is authority for the statement that it lay in the township of Genoa, in Cayuga county (Stenhouse, p. 648); but Lorenzo D. Young asserts that in the fall of 1815 they settled for a season in Tyrone, Schuyler county. Other authorities affirm that he married the widow Brown of Tyrone (Juvenile Instructor, vol. 16, p. 64). Whether in Genoa or in Tyrone, Brigham was employed during the winter of 1815-6 in the labor of assisting his father to clear for cultivation a body of timbered land (Fragments, p. 23). In 1817, when he was sixteen years of age, Brigham was permitted to begin business upon his own account; he learned and pursued the trade of a carpenter and painter (Death of Brigham Young as above, p. 3). As already recited he became a member of the Methodist church in 1822. James Little who had married his sister Susannah (Tullidge, Life of Brigham Young, Supplement, pp. 44-5), resided in Aurelius township, Cayuga county, and it is possible that the young carpenter often found a place in the bosom of the family, as did his brother Lorenzo D. (Fragments, p. 24). On the 24th of October 1824, Brigham married Miss Miriam Works of that township (Tullidge, p. 77). His sister Fanny had also married a certain Mr. Roswell Murray (H. C. Kimball's Journal, Salt Lake City, 1882, p. 86). The Youngs had not failed to honor Mr. Murray with their attentions, although his place was at a considerable distance from Cayuga county; L. D. Young, after marrying his wife at the residence of John P. Greene, who in the year 1821, was situated in Watertown, Jefferson, county shortly went to live with Mrs. Murray (Fragments, pp. 27-28). Miss Vilate Murray, who with her parents was living in Victor Township, Ontario county, was fortunate enough in the autumn of 1823 to contract a marriage with Mr. Heber Chase Kimball, a prosperous potter who was in the adjoining township of Mendon, Monroe county (Tullidge, Life of Brigham Young, Supplement, p. 2). To appearance the Youngs were thrilled by this brilliant success. Where the carcass is there will the eagles be gathered together; the whole tribe now began to drift towards the townships of Victor and Mendon. Brigham's father had apparently long since led the way (Tullidge, Life of Brigham Young, p. 77), and in the year 1829 he also followed suit (Stenhouse, p. 649). Brigham declares that upon leaving Cayuga county in the year 1829 he removed to Mendon, Monroe county (Stenhouse, p. 649), a statement which is believed to indicate that he affected rather the communion of Mr. Heber Chase Kimball, his nephew by marriage; his brother-in-law Mr. Murray it has been shown, resided in Victor township of Ontario county. But before the arrival of Brigham in 1829 the Youngs, upon an occasion that has not been transmitted, had secured a precarious footing in the township of Canandaigua, Ontario county, which lies adjoining to Manchester township that has been made famous as the place where the Smiths held their residence. Phineas and Lorenzo Dow Young had resided there, but had left the place before the advent of Brigham. This event occurred in the year 1830, perhaps very near the moment when the Book of Mormon was delivered from the press and the "church of Christ" was founded (Stenhouse, p. 649). Brigham says: "I then moved to Mendon, Monroe county, and in 1830 removed from thence to No. 9 Canandaigua, into a small house owned by Jonathan Mack, situated on the west side of the road opposite to where Mr. Mack then lived... There are five brothers of us in the following order -- John, Joseph, Phineas H. myself and Lorenzo D. The two former never lived in No. 9. Phineas H. and Lorenzo D. did live there, but removed long before I came."By the above showing it seems possible to conclude that Phineas Howe and Lorenzo Dow Young may have been settled at No. 9 Canandaigua at the time when in September 1827 the manuscript of the Book of Mormon was by Mr. Rigdon delivered up to Joseph Smith. The entire section of country was rife with the tidings and it is not impossible that they also observed the progress of affairs with interest. It is not known where Phineas H. and Lorenzo Dow resided upon their removal from No. 9 Canandaigua; the latter however records that in November 1829 he went to live at a place called "Hector Hill" (Fragments, p. 33), which cannot be found upon the map of New York, state but is believed to be situated in the township of Hector, Schuyler county. In 1830, when the Book of Mormon had already appeared, Phineas Howe was living in Victor township, Ontario county (Tullidge, Life of Brigham Young, Supplement, p. 2). On the contrary Brigham resided at No. 9 Canandaigua, until the beginning of the year 1832 (Stenhouse, p. 649). Within that period of two years the entire Young family, with the sons-in-law included, would seem to have enlisted under the banners of the Millennial church. The process of this conversion is not as definitely recorded as might be desired, but upon a view of all the facts it is considered indispensable to follow the account supplied by Lucy Smith, as being more trustworthy than that which the Young family have supplied. Joseph is suspected to have enjoyed excellent information regarding the points where it would be of use to send agents to dispose of the newly published Book of Mormon. He had a nest of adherents in Livonia township, Livingston county, which is situated adjoining to Ontario County, where he was operating. Prominent among these was a certain Esquire Beaman. Lucy Smith gives allusion to this gentleman already in the account she bestows of the efforts that were put forth by his enemies to rob her son of the manuscript of the Book of Mormon, shortly after it had been committed to his providence in the year 1827. Her language is as follows: Soon afterwards a man by the name of Beaman came in from the village of Livonia, a man in whom we reposed much confidence, and who was well worthy of the same. Joseph told him of his apprehensions of a mob being there that night and that they must prepare themselves to drive them away; but that the first thing to be attended to was to secure the Record and the breastplate. In view of this it was determined that a portion of the hearth should be taken up, and that the Record and breastplate should be burried under the same, and then the hearth relaid to prevent suspicion (Lucy Smith, p. 114).It was perfectly natural that after the "Record" had been put to press in 1830 measures should be expressly contrived to provide a person who had exhibited such a lively degree of interest, with a copy of it. Accordingly at the earliest practicable moment, the prophet's brother, Samuel Harrison Smith, was directed to take a number of the Books of Mormon, and go on a mission to Livonia, to preach and to make sale of the books if possible (Lucy Smith, p. 160). She further adds: "On the thirtieth of June, Samuel started on the mission to which he had been set apart by Joseph" (p. 160). Conceding that the above date is correct the record that comes from the pen of Phineas Howe Young must be discredited. That person says: "In April 1830, as I was on my way home from the town of Lima (just north of Livonia in Livingston county), where I had been to preach, I stopped at the house of a man by the name of Tomlinson. While engaged in conversation with the family, a young man came in, and, walking across the room to where I was sitting, held a book towards me, saying, 'There is a book, sir, I wish you to read.' The thing appeared so novel to me that for a moment I hesitated, saying, 'pray, sir, what book have you?' 'The Book of Mormon, or, as it is called by some, the Golden Bible.' 'Ah, sir, then it purports to be a revelation?' 'Yes,' said he, 'it is a revelation from God'" (Tullidge, Life of Joseph, p. 146).But not only is the date incorrect; the facts are also apocryphal. Lucy [Smith] reports that when her son Samuel had completed his labors as well as he could in Livonia township, he had in mind to visit the adjoining township of Bloomfield in Ontario county, which was distant about eight miles from the spot where he was abiding in Livonia. Lucy Smith calls it by the name of "Bloomington" but there is no such name on the map of New York state. Evidently she intended to write Bloomfield, which would measure about eight miles from the village of Lavonia. The object of young Smith in turning his steps towards Bloomfield was to visit the Rev. John P. Greene, the Methodist minister, and brother-in-law of Brigham Young. He was on such terms with Mr. Greene, that he expected, and perhaps even requested him to carry about to his various appointments for preaching service, a subscription paper for the sale of the Book of Mormon (Lucy Smith, pp. 161-2). This expectation was fulfilled by Mr. Greene, who instructed Samuel Harrison to call again after the lapse of a fortnight, when he would report what measure of success he had experienced in the character of an agent for the work. At the appointed season Samuel did as he was bidden, and was accompanied on the journey by his father and mother, who went as far as Livonia to pay their respects to the saints who dwelt in that village. They passed a night at the house of their old friend Esquire Beaman, and their son went forward to Bloomfield the next morning (Lucy Smith, p. 162). This account bears a finer show of verisimilitude than that of Phineas Young. It also indicates that a portion of the Young family were interested in the Book of Mormon from the outset; several of its members were likely converts to the pretensions of Mr. Smith before the appearance of the Book of Mormon. That is conceived to be the true reason why a Methodist preacher should have been willing to undertake the extraordinary labor of hawking it about the country by the aid of a subscription paper. It is indeed, asserted that he achieved no great success in that enterprise, but the very circumstance that he was willing to have his official and private name associated with it is matter for serious reflection. Furthermore, the student will hardly fail to be impressed by the fact that the entire Young family went into the Mormon church, and that they did not stand upon the order of their going, but went at once. A result of that kind it is believed could not have been attained without a more or less lengthy course of previous preparation and discipline. Joseph probably had communications, whether direct or indirect, with this household, prior to the year 1830. He knew of their existence and favor; he understood exactly what he was engaged about when he sent his brother Samuel to carry the Book of Mormon to Mr. John P. Greene. By the representations of Lucy Smith (pp. 175-6), it was Mrs. John P. Greene, who had the honor of deciding the wavering balance of her husband's mind in favor of Mormonism. Both of them were soon baptized, perhaps by some of the Mormons who belonged to the nest which existed at Livonia. Afterwards they gave the Book to Phineas Young in the adjoining township of Victor, and he is reported to have commenced the work of preaching it as soon as he had read it, and to have brought it to the attention of his father, brothers and sisters (Tullidge, Life of Joseph, p. 146). The first of these whom he was enabled to pervert is believed to have been his sister Fanny Murray, who together with her husband Roswell Murray, likewise of the township of Victor, was speedily gathered into the fold. Not long afterward their son-in-law, Mr. Heber C. Kimball, of Mendon township in Monroe came nigh to hear the new evangel, and immediately accepted it (Tullidge, Life of Brigham Young, Supplement, p. 2). These events are supposed to have occupied the period from July to December 1830. Brigham did not immediately partake of the excitement that stirred the minds of those members of his family who resided at Victor, Bloomfield and Mendon, for the reason, perhaps, that owing to his close engagement at No. 9 Canandaigua, upon the task of constructing a new house for Mr. Jonathan Mack, he was too much occupied to come entirely within the current of family influence. But during the autumn of 1830 he got leisure enough to hear the "ancient gospel" at the hands of Elders Alpheus Gifford and Elial Strong (Death of Brigham Young, as above, p. 3). It is allowed that Brigham has fixed the date of this occurrence a year later in the autumn of 1831, but there are considerations which seem to compel the inquirer to place it in the autumn of 1830. Those considerations are derived from the "Narrative" of his brother Lorenzo Dow Young. This person relates that during his sojourn at "Hector Hill," supposed to be in Schuyler county, in February 1831, "my father, my brothers Joseph and Brigham and Heber C. Kimball came to my house. They brought with them the Book of Mormon. They were on their way to visit some Saints in Pennsylvania" (Fragments, p. 33). It is not possible that Lorenzo was mistaken regarding this date for he represents how he himself embraced Mormonism during the year 1831 and passed the winter of 1831-1832 in the city of Pittsburgh on his way to Kirtland (Fragments, p. 33), and the winter of 1832-3 at Beardstown and West Union, Pennsylvania (Fragments, p. 41). The only time that was available for Brigham to have accomplished the above journey to visit the Saints of Columbia, Pennsylvania, was in the month of February 1831, since February 1832 and February 1833 were both passed by Lorenzo at Pittsburgh and the vicinity of Pittsburgh. It is of practical consequence to establish the above date, for the reason that at the period when the visit to the Saints in Pennsylvania was made, Brigham had already heard the Mormon elders and to all intents was a convert to Mormon tenets. Tullidge relates: "In January 1832 [Lorenzo says it was February 1831] in company with Phineas Young and Heber C. Kimball, Brigham visited a branch of the Church at Columbia, Pennsylvania, and returned deeply impressed with the principles of Mormonism" (Life of Brigham Young, p. 78). The real reason why these minute inquiries are prosecuted may be found in the fact that they fix the date of Brigham's baptism. That event occurred on the 14th of the April which followed the above journey to Pennsylvania; that is, he was baptized on the 14th of April 1831, and not as himself has erroneously stated on the 14th of April, 1832 (Tullidge, as above, p. 78). This section of Brigham's life needs therefore to be reconstructed so as to represent that he heard the Mormon elders in the autumn of the year 1830, while he was situated at No. 9 Canandaigua; that in January or February 1831 he went to commune with the elect in Columbia, Penn.; that immediately afterward he made a journey to Canada for the purpose of conferring with and converting his brother, the Methodist preacher Joseph Young, and that shortly after his return from Canada he was baptized by Elder Eleazer Miller on the 14th of April, 1831. Lorenzo Dow Young also signifies that in May 1831, Elder Gifford came to "Hector Hill," where himself and his brother John Young were living and they both became practically perverts to the "church of Christ" (Fragments, pp. 33-5), although the former was not actually baptized until the summer of 1831, when he was on his way "gathering" with the faithful to the feet of the prophet (Fragments, pp. 35-6). This service was performed for him by his well beloved John P. Greene, who already in the summer of 1831 was the pastor of a Mormon church, about eight miles from his residence which at that date was situated in Avon, a township adjoining to Livonia in Livingston county (Fragments, pp. 35-6). Thus it appears that by the summer of 1831, all of the male members of the Young family, and the females likewise, so far as their history can be traced had cast in their lot with the Saints. They rushed pell-mell into the fold. That is a suspicious occurrence; it could harldy have befallen without some kind of previous understanding and preparation. It remains to investigate as far as they may be indicated the influences which operated so strongly upon the household, and it is believed made them Mormons in feeling long before they became Mormons in fact. There are two sources, either of which it is conceived might have supplied motives to this course of action; possibly both of them combined to effect the singular result. One of these is the Knight family. These were neighbors of the Youngs in their Vermont home. Brigham Young was born in Whittingham, Windham county, Vermont, on the first of June 1801; Newell Knight was born just a few miles away in Marlborough of the same county on the 13th of September 1800. In the year 1803 the Youngs immigrated to Chenango county, New York; in the year 1809 the Knights did the same thing (Scraps of Biography, pp. 46-7). It is possible that these two households were acquainted in Vermont; it is even possible that the Knights were induced to select Chenango county, on their removal to New York, through the representations and persuasions of the Youngs. After they had both become established in Chenango county their relations would be still more intimate; these would not be broken off by the removal of the Knights in the year 1811 to the adjoining county of Broome (Scraps, p. 47). In the year 1825 when Mr. Stowell began to work his silver mind in Chenango county, and Joseph Smith was figuring there in the character of a treasure-seeker, it is not impossible that the Youngs in their Cayuga home were some way made acquainted with what was transpiring so near the seat of their former residence. Who can say that Stowel as an intimate friend of Joseph Knight, sen., was not personally known to them? It is not impossible that in some of their repeated journeys from Broome and Chenango counties to the home of Joseph in Ontario, these two simpletons might not have passed a night with their long time friends and neighbors, especially as the Youngs lived convenient to the road upon which they were traveling, and something like midway of the journey. It is even conceivable, that when Knight and Stowel came from their homes to be present when the "Record" was delivered to Joseph on the 22d of September (Lucy Smith, pp. 105-13), that they lodged with the Youngs in Cayuga and gave them a circumstantial account of the entire transaction. In this way it was easily within the reach of these quondam citizens of Chenango county to become informed of occurrences which had so much interest for their respected friends in that quarter of the world. The second of the above sources of influence may be perceived in Livonia township, Livingston county, where the worthy Esquire Beaman was heart and soul in favor of Joseph, and well persuaded of the verity of the Book of Mormon. The propagandism of the Livonia circle is suspected to have been active. It may easily have extended to the adjoining township of Bloomfield where John P. Greene was now situated, and to Victor township, where lived Fanny Young Murray and her husband Roswell Murray as well as the miracle-working Methodist preacher Phineas Howe Young. Both Bloomfield and Victor were within the boundaries of Ontario county and it was no difficult enterprise to hear the echoes of Joseph's doings in Manchester township. From Victor and Bloomfield the infection would spread by a perfectly natural process to Mr. Heber C. Kimball, a son-in-law of the Murrays, in Mendon township, Monroe county. Whatever may be the right explanation of it, there can be no question of the fact that the Young family were "ripe and ready" for the Book of Mormon when it appeared. After his own baptism on the 14th of April 1831, Brigham was permitted shortly to witness the immersion of his wife Miriam Works Young. According to his own statement a large portion of the year 1830 and the whole of 1831 were passed in laboring on the dwelling of Jonathan Mack of No. 9 Canandaigua (Stenhouse, p. 649). Perhaps it was nothing but the secrecy of their movements which prevented him from enjoying the advantage of a personal interview with Sidney and Joseph, when in December 1830 they went to the city of Canandaigua for the purpose of conferring with Mr. William Wines Phelps (Howe, p. 274). Leaving No. 9 in the early portion of the year 1832 (Stenhouse, p. 649), Brigham seems to have employed his time in preaching the new evangel in the townships of Genesee, Avon and Lima in Livingston county (Tullidge, Life of Brigham Young, Supplement, p. 3). In the midst of this employment his wife died on the 8th of September 1832 (Death of Brigham Young, p. 3), and he immediately felt himself drawn to visit the prophet in Kirtland Ohio (Tullidge, Life of Brigham Young, p. 78). Already his brothers Lorenzo and Phineas were as far as Pittsburgh on the way to that goodly land; his brother-in-law John P. Greene had quite reached the place and was prepared to greet him with the gift of tongues when he should himself arrive (Stenhouse, p. 44). This event befell in the month of November 1832 (Stenhouse, as above); on the journey, Brigham had the benefit of the company of his brother Joseph and of his nephew-in-law, Mr. Kimball. The party were received with much cordiality. It has been related how Mr. Smith was reduced to the necessity of putting down the gift of tongues and other gifts of the spirit that were dangerously rife in Kirtland upon his arrival there in January 1831. He was justly apprehensive that these displays would grow to a size sufficiently large to overthrow his own pretensions to the position of Revelator; they were a menace to his primacy. But in the period which had elapsed since these tongues were stilled the ascendancy of the prophet in spiritual matters had been much strengthened. He had no longer any special occasion to fear rival there; it was his business concerns alone that were at the moment giving him annoyance, and alienating the affections of the Saints in Zion. They were complaining at nothing but the organization and pretensions of the "order of Enoch," and at the monarchical arrogance of the prophet. Brigham Young had come under the influence of Elder Alpheus Gifford in New York. This person and Elder Elial Strong are said to have the honor to have first proclaimed in his hearing the riches of the "ancient gospel." Mr. Gifford, it appears, was seized with a certain facility in the use of tongues (Turner, Mormonism in All Ages, p. 39). Brigham and his brother-in-law John P. Greene, by dint of contact with Gifford had caught from him the gift of tongues. In the delights of the first meeting with the prophet it was natural that this gift should be displayed; on the evening after the visitors' arrival Joseph desired Brigham to lead in the worship of the household. He became so warm in his devotions that the power of ordinary address failed him; he fell into the art he is believed to have acquired from elder Gifford, and which, likely, was common vogue among the Mormon circles of Livingston county, New York. Mr. John P. Greene also joined the chorus (Stenhouse, p. 44). Remembering the degree of sternness with which Mr. Smith had repressed the gift of tongues in the previous year and also a short while previously when Alpheus Gifford then sojourning at Kirtland had planned it (Turner, p. 39), his brethren now crowded about him to inquire what might be his opinion of the art which Brigham had acquired from Gifford. It is possible that he felt embarrassed; he would be dubious concerning the propriety of setting all tongues loose again. On the other hand it would be very ungracious in the presence of an enthusiastic disciple who had just now performed a laborious journey for the purpose of beholding the face of the prophet and moreover was of commanding presence and authority to declare that his gift of tongues was bestowed by the devil. Consequently Brigham says: "he told them it was the pure Adamic language. Some said to him they expected he would condemn the gift, but he said, "No; it is of God" (Tullidge, Life of Joseph, p. 147). The designation of "Adamic language" was derived by Joseph from his own translation of the Book of Genesis, which it will be remembered himself and Sidney had accomplished in New York. He there delivers himself as follows: "And then began these men to call upon the name of the Lord; and the Lord blessed them; and a book of remembrance was kept in the which was recorded in the language of Adam, for it was given unto as many as called upon God, to write by the Spirit of inspiration" (Genesis 6, 5). Mr. Smith intended by the above remark to affirm that as Mr. Young had called upon God it was given to him not merely to write but also to speak the "Adamic language." The point has been duly recorded that Brigham lived long enough to become disgusted with the gift of tongues (Stenhouse, p. 650, note). But he was not then disgusted with the "Adamic language." Before many weeks every month was full of it (Howe, pp. 132-8). The Council of High-Priests in their epistle to the Saints of Zion under date of January 14th, 1833 testified that "the gifts are beginning to break forth so as to astonish the world, and even believers marvel at the power and goodness of God. Thanks be rendered to his holy name for what he is doing" (Tract, New Jerusalem, p. 13). By the above recital it will appear that the gift of tongues among the Mormons is the gift of Alpheus Gifford, through Mr. Brigham Young. After a week of enjoyment in Kirtland Brigham returned to New York, and went thence to Canada with his brother Joseph, where they proclaimed the "ancient gospel" during the winter. He returned in February 1833 to marry Mary Ann Angel of Livingston county. In the autumn of 1833 himself and Heber C. Kimball "gathered" to Kirtland (Tullidge, Life of Brigham Young, Supplement, p. 3). Sidney did not dream of the handwriting on the wall when Brigham appeared about the middle of November 1832, but it was clear none the less, and in the course of time became very plain. continue reading on: p. 776 |
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